Nelson Mandela's Leadership and Legacy

We will not give up, we will not give up, we will not give up. We will start to do the supper. We will start to do the supper. January 1994. Nelson Mandela at a party congress. Relaxed. Adored by his followers. Calm, dignified. The undisputed leader of the African National Congress. It's easy to forget that this is the man who endured 27 years in prison at the hands of successive South African governments. which were vilified throughout the world. Yet he appears to show no bitterness. Suffering can break you, can embitter you, can make you a ghastly and totally intolerable creature to have around. It can also... make you more humane, more compassionate, more caring, more understanding. And the world did not make a mistake in identifying him as one of the greatest of those. who were prisoners of conscience because he had shown in his trial when he said there are some things which are so noble that one is prepared not only to live for them but to die for them. And when you... The minute you, I think, you give yourself for the sake of others, others, something happens in the chemistry of the body of the soul. I greet you warmly in this, the year of liberation for all South Africans. We have thus characterized the year 1994 to express The deep-seated hope of all our people that this year all of us will at last achieve our emancipation. This year. A new birth will occur. He's probably the one leader in the world whose morality and leadership is completely unquestioned in a context where you find that the whole world is sort of in some state of upheaval and change. South Africa is the one country where that change is very positive. And a lot of that change is symbolized through Nelson Mandela. Nelson Mandela's release from prison in February 1990 was a watershed in South African history. It was the beginning of the end of apartheid. But for Mandela, the last four years have been grueling politically and personally. Negotiations dragged on, and the political violence escalated. Although he has been able to forgive those who kept him in prison, his family has found it much harder to do so. I'm still very bitter about everything that this government and this government's policies have done to me and my family because I don't think we will ever fully recover from the consequences of what they've done. I mean, I've been deprived. of a father for my life. I've been deprived of her childhood. And I don't think I'll ever be able to recapture that. Because as much as he is back now... And, you know, he tries his hardest to be the perfect or the ideal father. But there's still so much rediscovering of one another that we have to do. And I'm just very worried about the time, whether we'll ever really have the time to do that. Mandela has had to sacrifice everything for the sake of his family. ...struggle, including his family. In 1992, he had to sacrifice his marriage to Winnie. She had been convicted of kidnapping, and Nelson reluctantly announced a separation. Today, the pain on both sides is hidden. My own sense is he loves Winnie deeply and in many ways he is a lonely man. I mean he gives himself prodigally on behalf of others, on behalf of the ANC. But at the end of the day, he goes to this huge house. And even though he has grandchildren and others with him, it's not the same thing. And he was sustained, I think, in prison, in part, and in very large part, by his relationship with her. And I have hoped fondly that there would be a rehabilitation of Winnie and that somewhere down the line there would be a reconciliation. Our love for each other has never been dented. What happened was just a situational separation and we love each other as we have always loved each other from the moment we met those many years ago. Winnie and the children, Zaini and Zinzi, never led a normal family life. For Nelson, politics came first and he spent little time with them. In 1963, he was tried for sabotage and planning a violent revolution. He was sentenced to life imprisonment. Robin Island, nine kilometers from Cape Town, where Mandela spent most of his 27 years in prison. It was the defining experience of his life. The regime on the island was harsh. Prison warders tried to break and demoralize political prisoners like Mandela. Alleluia, alleluia. We were compelled to work with pick and shovel, and you really had to work hard. And then also they would do very insulting things, deliberately to humiliate and to demoralize people. And then of course, very abusive. The warders used the most vicious, racist abuse continuously. Despite the beauty of the island, the men saw little of it. We never once saw a child, not once. And when we did one day hear the voice of a child, it was spontaneous tools down by everybody in the quarry, and we were hoping to see just the sight of the child. It must have been a warder's child, a group of children. And the warders made damn sure that we didn't see their child. Visitors to the island had to take the ferry from Cape Town. Though Mandela relied greatly on his family for support, visits were rare. Winnie and the children lived 1,500 kilometres from Cape Town. I'm not too sure whether I really saw any beauty in Robben Island because I was always very aware of what the trip was all about. It was always very emotional, it was always quite traumatic. It would be quite exciting going down to see him. It would be quite sad coming away from there. And I think in those circumstances it's really difficult to appreciate, you know, the beauty of the rocks or the flowers there, you know, the sea itself, because there was the harsh reality of what Robben Island really was all about. Prisoners were not allowed visits by their children. Zinzi had to wait until her father had been in prison ten years before she met him for the first time. I'd always been very aware of him as I was growing up because people always spoke about him and they were always in great awe of him. So I was quite apprehensive because I just felt like I was meeting some kind of demigod. but when I actually saw him, you know, he has an amazing personality. He's got a great depth of feeling and warmth. You know, he just made me within the first five, ten minutes feel so much at home. Well, we tried to recapture what life could have been if we were at home as a family. I think both of us got sufficient... feelings to recharge our batteries and to be able to carry on until the next visit. We survived those years because of the love we have for each other. Prisons strengthened Mandela as a man and as a leader. He's also become a confident and charismatic campaigner. And in negotiations with President de Klerk, he's proved a tough adversary. Their relationship has often been stormy. I refused to go with him to the White House to see Clinton, President Clinton. And when a journalist says, well, look, what's your relation with the president of South Africa next to you there? I said, Mr. de Klerk is not the president of South Africa. Thank you. He is the president of the whites. Incidentally, the question has been raised about a debate between some people. I'm sure he's referring to the debate between President De Klerk and myself. He has challenged me, and I said to him, I am not going to have a schoolboy debate. I am going to debate national issues. And I say one of us will emerge from that debate badly bruised. It will not be me. Mandela's personal life has suffered since his release from prison. His marriage came under strain. The crunch came when Winnie was found guilty of involvement in the kidnapping of Stompy Saipay, who was later found dead. Winnie's reputation was seriously damaging Mandela. He was persuaded to part with her. I think he came out of prison guilty, feeling guilty about what Winnie and his children had to endure. And he was determined to do everything to try and repair that damage and nurse the injured. And I think he resisted any breakup. But when he realized that there was no way forward, then very firmly and quietly he knew it had to end. My love for her remains undiminished. However, in view of the tensions that have arisen owing to differences between ourselves in a number of issues in recent months, We have mutually agreed that a separation would be best for each one of us. It was too much for him to handle the question of a wife who was to be charged for more murders and whose name had been dragged in so much mud. He couldn't deal with that. And that was a situation of... It wasn't of his making. He found himself having... I had to make choices. And if you lead a country that has great expectations of you, what do you do? He had given up his family for 27 years. What would it have really meant? I suppose they convinced him in that regard. What would it have meant to at least give it up if it was going to stand in his way of assuming the leadership? of his people. Today, though Winnie's reputation has improved, she is rarely seen at Mandala's side. They have been separated for two years, but could there still be a reconciliation? Bishop Tutu. When I have spoken with him about this, he would not be surprised. I didn't want to do anything I suspect that would be detrimental to the party, detrimental to the cause. But my sense, my intuition is he really would give his back teeth to be reconciled with her again. We are all still waiting for perhaps that time at the end of the struggle when he will be with his family and that the strains he's gone through. the struggle for the people and the country in its entirety. Someday we will also have the luxury of having the nucleus of a family. Someday we'll also know what it would have been like to lead a normal family. Ivoripark Squatter Camp, outside Johannesburg, home to 200,000 people like Lydia Nantarko. It's one of the first stops in Nelson Mandela's election campaign, which began last November. Eight million people in South Africa are squatters. That's a fifth of the population. The people who live here are militant, and Mandela must address their high expectations. Central to the crisis in our country. Are the massive divisions and inequalities left behind by apartheid. But the day of reckoning against all these people who are... You are responsible for your problems, for the problems that you have mentioned to us. The 27th of April next year is the day of repugnant. We are going to bury the National Party. The questions today are about basic needs like jobs, healthcare and education. The people of the country are the ones who are going to be In this campaign, Mandela is everywhere. Sometimes it's as if the future of the new South Africa rests entirely on his shoulders. He came out of prison as something of a demigod. He's held in awe both by his own supporters and also some of his political rivals. In lots of ways, he is not tested as a leader. He has promised... more than he can deliver to both blacks and whites. And it is interesting to see how he's going to resolve this. Mandela's next campaign stop, a few hours after addressing militant squatters in Ivory Park, is a fundraising dinner for the white business community in Pretoria. The ANC needs to reassure these white voters, even though few will actually vote for the party. If Mandela is to satisfy the expectations of black voters, he needs economic growth, and this audience can help him achieve it. Many whites look at him as something of a great white hope, actually, insofar as he is fairly mild. In the sense that he does not seriously threaten their continued good life in South Africa. And in lots of ways, he will be able to deliver to them what apartheid failed to. And this is international legitimacy, the lifting of sanctions, and South Africa's economic reintegration with the world. Most white people's quality of life won't change. We are very much aware of the concerns of the minorities. We are aware of the advantageous position that you hold, that you are the key in the building of a new South Africa. You have nothing to fear from a government of the African National Home Office. I thank you. I would certainly think that Mr. Mandela is a visionary man. He's got great visions for South Africa. Apart from being very eloquent, I think it was absolutely an experience listening to the man. I really, truly respect him, and I have sympathy for him for what he had to go through, and I was terribly impressed. The principal beneficiaries of the new political settlement will be whites and the small black elite of roughly a million and a half. The problem is not the one and a half million blacks, but the majority of black society that is uneducated or undereducated, unemployed or underemployed, who are not going to benefit much. at least initially, from the political settlement. Back at Ivory Park squatter camp, Mandela's visit has left residents eager to vote. But first, they must register, and this has been a major problem. The registration system has been overwhelmed, unable to cope with a strain of 15 million people desperate to vote for the first time, like Anna Makupa. I'm going to go to the hospital. I'm going to take a photo. I'm going to take a picture of my son. Often people's expectations are portrayed as totally unrealistic and really ridiculous. And I take great exception to that because if you look at what people's expectations are, you go to Ivory Park or some of the places that you've... visited. And you ask people what do they want of Nelson Mandela when he's the president. They tell you they want a house. They would like electricity in their house. They would like a tap with running water. They would like a toilet with waterborne sewage. They would like to see the garbage removed on the street. So people's expectations are quite modest. In fact, shockingly modest I think. In the great effort to create a new society and a new nation We dare not fail. History and the world will judge us very harshly if we do not do what is just and correct. We will not have a second chance. I wish this conference success. January 1994. The ANC's special conference debates the party's reconstruction and development programme. Its plan? To reform South Africa. A man love. Viva ANC, viva. Comrades, our people are not asking for yachts. They are not asking for holiday houses. They are not asking... asking for thousands of rands in a safe deposit. Our people ask for water, for toilets, for jobs, for taps, for rights to health, for living wages. Those are the things that our people expect of us. And we have no business. In fact, we have no desire to begin to entertain any notions of scaling down those expectations. We are the people of Zerilis, we are the people of Zerilis, we are the people of Zerilis. Viva! Viva! Viva! Transkei, where Mandela was born and raised. There's no tradition of democracy here, and many people have little idea of what voting actually involves. CHILDREN SPEAK INDIAN I'm going to make you a cake, a wheel, a flag. You'll get it here. You'll make it here. You'll make it here. Mandela's sister, Mabel, who still lives here, attends a voter education session in the village. She says her brother first became interested in politics as a teenager. They say that the government is not responsible for the death of the women. The government is responsible for the death of the women. They say that the government is responsible for the death of the women. The government is responsible for the death of the women. Mandela's childhood was spent in the village of Kunu, where he herded cattle and sheep. But his family was better off than most. His father was a chief. He spent his later childhood living in the royal compound at Umm Kukezweni, where he enjoyed listening to village elders talking about the past. His ancestors had owned land until the British and the Boers came to the area. The man who will be president of South Africa is a very private person. I think that is the only thing that matters. who calls an incredible amount of respect to me, both as a young person and as a woman, but I think those are two odd handicaps which I have in my relationship with him as well, because he'll always treat me as a child. And as I said, he's not sexist. but he's incredibly chivalrous. And it's almost that gap of having been to prison for 27 years. And I don't find it offensive. He certainly doesn't demean me in the way that he relates to me as a woman. But he always feels that he sort of has to open doors for me or to treat me with some care on the basis of my being a woman. When I came up here now, the president said to me, he will pray for me. Now, I don't know how to take that. He's a very proud person. And I suppose the unfortunate events in his family life were quite painful to him. Because he actually cares a lot about family. I was just saying this morning. with him on Sunday and he just said to me, I don't want to be personal but how old are you? Do you not think you ought to really think about whether you want to have children or not? And I I said to him, no, don't be crazy. I don't even, you know, I've been quite flippant about it. And he said to me, no, people always talk about the difficulties of having children, the responsibilities. But people never speak about the joy. And how having children, in fact, forces you to redefine yourself. And you just begin to look at yourself in a whole other perspective. It's so ironic that we were actually closer when he was in prison than now because at least we were guaranteed two visits a month. We knew we'd be able to see him, but then sometimes when he travels and stuff we could easily not see him for two months. I really wish I had more time with him, I really do, because I really miss being with him and spending more time with him. The moment he stepped out of prison, he was national property. And it was as if, you know... We were lucky to have even 10 minutes of his time for the family. He had given his life totally to the struggle, and it would have been wrong of us to stand in his way, because... This was a fulfillment of the people's dreams, that we'd come out of prison and lead them and deliver them, finally, to liberation. Despite hopes that Nelson Mandela's release from prison might herald a new era of peace, it's been the most violent period in modern South African history. The Bishu Massacre, when the army in Siskiyah fired on a peaceful crowd, was one of the worst. single incidence, Mandela has proved unable to stop the bloodshed. The violence has reached a point where the question as to whether it is endemic is a valid question. In fact, the question has become a larger question. one for me. It is whether South Africa is going to go on to be a violence-driven society or whether it will be possible to construct South Africa as a peaceful society. A major factor has been the way the government, at the height of the struggle, sought to turn black against black and fomented groups, particularly through military intelligence, black groups as forces and surrogates they could use against us in the democratic movement. And one such force is Nkata Innatel. Nkata's leader, Chief Butelezi, has become the primary obstacle to peace in South Africa. South Africa. In meeting after meeting, Mandela has sought to appease him. But Butelezi remains a wild card, promising South Africans yet more blood and tears. Inkata has turned Natal into a war zone. In the last eight years, 12,000 people have been killed here in clashes between Inkata and ANC supporters. All Mandela can do is go to Natal and appeal for peace. This is the ANC's first rally at Esakaweni Township, where more than 100 people have been killed in factional fighting. Mandela comes to reclaim the township for the ANC. Previous rallies have been cancelled after threats from Inkata. CHEERING AND APPLAUSE People want peace. They are tired of violence. They have lost their beloved. And anybody who is threatening violence, blood and tears, is unlikely to get the support of the people. One victim of the violence is nine-year-old Zibani Ngema. He was blinded and paralysed in an attack on his family by an Inkata gunman, which killed his aunt, a trade union activist. I'm very happy to travel to Kuala Lumpur. What is the name of this fish? It's small. Small? Yes. How much is it? Nine. Nine? Yes, yes, come here. Why do you want to go there? Oh, no, I don't want to go there. I'm going to go there. I'm going to go there. Oh, yes, go there. Katlahon, a township in the East Rand. Nowhere is Mandela's inability to end the violence clearer than here. Covert government efforts to destabilize the townships have had dire consequences. In Katlahong, clashes between Inkata and ANC supporters have turned this area into a war zone. A death is a routine event. Katlahong is now being called the Sarajevo of Africa, and Mandela can do nothing to stop the violence. It's the mounting death toll in the townships that prompts Mandela on the campaign trail to launch his bitterest attack on President de Klerk. He welcomes the violence amongst Africans. because it is taking place only amongst Africans. And he therefore believes that if this violence continues until the 27th of April, then he will cut down the support of the ANC, so much so that he may even cling to political power after the 27th of April. That is the strategy that is being used by the government. And that is why they have never taken any precautions to protect our people against violence. Why should a government which professes to be a government of Christians Decided to use murder as a method of rising to political power. Where were you off to now, Mr. Mandela? No, I'm going home. In Katlahong, another funeral. Mankani Gwaza, an ANC activist, is buried by his friends and family. One more death, and one more family torn apart by the political violence which has wracked South Africa for more than 40 years. I am the leader of the community. Mandela has failed so far to rid his country of apartheid's legacy of violence and hatred. But he has tried to promote a mood of forgiveness in the new South Africa. On the campaign trail, South Africa's president-in-waiting launches his party's manifesto and his vision for the future. There are those who would like us to believe that the past does not exist. That decades of apartheid rule have suddenly disappeared. But the economic and social devastation of apartheid remains. Our country is in a mess. Do you regret apartheid? Yes, I did say so. I said we are sorry for the mistakes of the past and for the mistakes due to apartheid. And what is important now is to look at how we can repair it as fast as possible. And that is why, not only, I'm grateful for the fact that we could settle the political and constitutional differences through negotiations. bringing about the new constitution, but that we have also decided that we have to work together in the process of socio-economic reconstruction, which will hopefully lead to the repair. Unless these people come clean on what it was that they did and actually acknowledge the pain and the damage to people and this country, I think it's very hard to speak about just forgiveness. I think it's important that we must remember our past in this country. I think it's important to act as a beacon to those of us who will become the new custodians of our people's future. That we must remember... You know, in the same way that people remember the Holocaust, we must never forget what happened under apartheid. So that nobody will ever take a public office in this country and actually get away with anything which vaguely resembles apartheid. At last, the day is arriving when we can all vote. For a government of our choice, this is tribute above all to the efforts and sacrifices of millions of South Africans. The ANC's vision of a South Africa in which people live in peace and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which sustained me during the 27 years in prison. It is an ideal for which I was prepared to sacrifice my life. Now is the time. Let God bless Africa. I thank you. How do you feel about the future? Do you feel hopeful? Good! I feel real good. I mean, I deplore the violence. But overall, I think, I mean, that our chances... are very, very good for bringing it off. I mean, we are a remarkable country. I mean, when you think that before 1990, certain things were illegal. Blacks could not... not live in areas designated for whites. They do so now. And the sky hasn't fallen in. And what is even more remarkable is that people who before accepted that it was legal and moral now are accepting something that has turned apartheid on its head. People go to the same schools. Yes, we still have the aberrations where children are stopped. because of being the wrong colour. But more and more you would see the bulk of people in South Africa saying, hey, it is actually possible to live as one people. It is possible to use the resources, the substantial resources that God has given us in this country, not for the benefit of just one small click, but for all of us. Hey, why were we so stupid for so long? Hussar! Hussar! Hussar!

We will not give up, we will not give up, we will not give up. We will start to do the supper. We will start to do the supper.

January 1994. Nelson Mandela at a party congress. Relaxed. Adored by his followers.

Calm, dignified. The undisputed leader of the African National Congress. It's easy to forget that this is the man who endured 27 years in prison at the hands of successive South African governments.

which were vilified throughout the world. Yet he appears to show no bitterness. Suffering can break you, can embitter you, can make you a ghastly and totally intolerable creature to have around.

It can also... make you more humane, more compassionate, more caring, more understanding. And the world did not make a mistake in identifying him as one of the greatest of those.

who were prisoners of conscience because he had shown in his trial when he said there are some things which are so noble that one is prepared not only to live for them but to die for them. And when you... The minute you, I think, you give yourself for the sake of others, others, something happens in the chemistry of the body of the soul.

I greet you warmly in this, the year of liberation for all South Africans. We have thus characterized the year 1994 to express The deep-seated hope of all our people that this year all of us will at last achieve our emancipation. This year. A new birth will occur. He's probably the one leader in the world whose morality and leadership is completely unquestioned in a context where you find that the whole world is sort of in some state of upheaval and change.

South Africa is the one country where that change is very positive. And a lot of that change is symbolized through Nelson Mandela. Nelson Mandela's release from prison in February 1990 was a watershed in South African history.

It was the beginning of the end of apartheid. But for Mandela, the last four years have been grueling politically and personally. Negotiations dragged on, and the political violence escalated.

Although he has been able to forgive those who kept him in prison, his family has found it much harder to do so. I'm still very bitter about everything that this government and this government's policies have done to me and my family because I don't think we will ever fully recover from the consequences of what they've done. I mean, I've been deprived.

of a father for my life. I've been deprived of her childhood. And I don't think I'll ever be able to recapture that. Because as much as he is back now... And, you know, he tries his hardest to be the perfect or the ideal father.

But there's still so much rediscovering of one another that we have to do. And I'm just very worried about the time, whether we'll ever really have the time to do that. Mandela has had to sacrifice everything for the sake of his family.

...struggle, including his family. In 1992, he had to sacrifice his marriage to Winnie. She had been convicted of kidnapping, and Nelson reluctantly announced a separation.

Today, the pain on both sides is hidden. My own sense is he loves Winnie deeply and in many ways he is a lonely man. I mean he gives himself prodigally on behalf of others, on behalf of the ANC. But at the end of the day, he goes to this huge house. And even though he has grandchildren and others with him, it's not the same thing.

And he was sustained, I think, in prison, in part, and in very large part, by his relationship with her. And I have hoped fondly that there would be a rehabilitation of Winnie and that somewhere down the line there would be a reconciliation. Our love for each other has never been dented.

What happened was just a situational separation and we love each other as we have always loved each other from the moment we met those many years ago. Winnie and the children, Zaini and Zinzi, never led a normal family life. For Nelson, politics came first and he spent little time with them.

In 1963, he was tried for sabotage and planning a violent revolution. He was sentenced to life imprisonment. Robin Island, nine kilometers from Cape Town, where Mandela spent most of his 27 years in prison. It was the defining experience of his life. The regime on the island was harsh.

Prison warders tried to break and demoralize political prisoners like Mandela. Alleluia, alleluia. We were compelled to work with pick and shovel, and you really had to work hard.

And then also they would do very insulting things, deliberately to humiliate and to demoralize people. And then of course, very abusive. The warders used the most vicious, racist abuse continuously.

Despite the beauty of the island, the men saw little of it. We never once saw a child, not once. And when we did one day hear the voice of a child, it was spontaneous tools down by everybody in the quarry, and we were hoping to see just the sight of the child.

It must have been a warder's child, a group of children. And the warders made damn sure that we didn't see their child. Visitors to the island had to take the ferry from Cape Town. Though Mandela relied greatly on his family for support, visits were rare.

Winnie and the children lived 1,500 kilometres from Cape Town. I'm not too sure whether I really saw any beauty in Robben Island because I was always very aware of what the trip was all about. It was always very emotional, it was always quite traumatic. It would be quite exciting going down to see him.

It would be quite sad coming away from there. And I think in those circumstances it's really difficult to appreciate, you know, the beauty of the rocks or the flowers there, you know, the sea itself, because there was the harsh reality of what Robben Island really was all about. Prisoners were not allowed visits by their children.

Zinzi had to wait until her father had been in prison ten years before she met him for the first time. I'd always been very aware of him as I was growing up because people always spoke about him and they were always in great awe of him. So I was quite apprehensive because I just felt like I was meeting some kind of demigod. but when I actually saw him, you know, he has an amazing personality.

He's got a great depth of feeling and warmth. You know, he just made me within the first five, ten minutes feel so much at home. Well, we tried to recapture what life could have been if we were at home as a family. I think both of us got sufficient...

feelings to recharge our batteries and to be able to carry on until the next visit. We survived those years because of the love we have for each other. Prisons strengthened Mandela as a man and as a leader.

He's also become a confident and charismatic campaigner. And in negotiations with President de Klerk, he's proved a tough adversary. Their relationship has often been stormy.

I refused to go with him to the White House to see Clinton, President Clinton. And when a journalist says, well, look, what's your relation with the president of South Africa next to you there? I said, Mr. de Klerk is not the president of South Africa.

Thank you. He is the president of the whites. Incidentally, the question has been raised about a debate between some people.

I'm sure he's referring to the debate between President De Klerk and myself. He has challenged me, and I said to him, I am not going to have a schoolboy debate. I am going to debate national issues. And I say one of us will emerge from that debate badly bruised.

It will not be me. Mandela's personal life has suffered since his release from prison. His marriage came under strain. The crunch came when Winnie was found guilty of involvement in the kidnapping of Stompy Saipay, who was later found dead. Winnie's reputation was seriously damaging Mandela.

He was persuaded to part with her. I think he came out of prison guilty, feeling guilty about what Winnie and his children had to endure. And he was determined to do everything to try and repair that damage and nurse the injured. And I think he resisted any breakup.

But when he realized that there was no way forward, then very firmly and quietly he knew it had to end. My love for her remains undiminished. However, in view of the tensions that have arisen owing to differences between ourselves in a number of issues in recent months, We have mutually agreed that a separation would be best for each one of us.

It was too much for him to handle the question of a wife who was to be charged for more murders and whose name had been dragged in so much mud. He couldn't deal with that. And that was a situation of...

It wasn't of his making. He found himself having... I had to make choices.

And if you lead a country that has great expectations of you, what do you do? He had given up his family for 27 years. What would it have really meant? I suppose they convinced him in that regard.

What would it have meant to at least give it up if it was going to stand in his way of assuming the leadership? of his people. Today, though Winnie's reputation has improved, she is rarely seen at Mandala's side. They have been separated for two years, but could there still be a reconciliation?

Bishop Tutu. When I have spoken with him about this, he would not be surprised. I didn't want to do anything I suspect that would be detrimental to the party, detrimental to the cause. But my sense, my intuition is he really would give his back teeth to be reconciled with her again. We are all still waiting for perhaps that time at the end of the struggle when he will be with his family and that the strains he's gone through.

the struggle for the people and the country in its entirety. Someday we will also have the luxury of having the nucleus of a family. Someday we'll also know what it would have been like to lead a normal family.

Ivoripark Squatter Camp, outside Johannesburg, home to 200,000 people like Lydia Nantarko. It's one of the first stops in Nelson Mandela's election campaign, which began last November. Eight million people in South Africa are squatters. That's a fifth of the population.

The people who live here are militant, and Mandela must address their high expectations. Central to the crisis in our country. Are the massive divisions and inequalities left behind by apartheid.

But the day of reckoning against all these people who are... You are responsible for your problems, for the problems that you have mentioned to us. The 27th of April next year is the day of repugnant. We are going to bury the National Party. The questions today are about basic needs like jobs, healthcare and education.

The people of the country are the ones who are going to be In this campaign, Mandela is everywhere. Sometimes it's as if the future of the new South Africa rests entirely on his shoulders. He came out of prison as something of a demigod. He's held in awe both by his own supporters and also some of his political rivals.

In lots of ways, he is not tested as a leader. He has promised... more than he can deliver to both blacks and whites.

And it is interesting to see how he's going to resolve this. Mandela's next campaign stop, a few hours after addressing militant squatters in Ivory Park, is a fundraising dinner for the white business community in Pretoria. The ANC needs to reassure these white voters, even though few will actually vote for the party.

If Mandela is to satisfy the expectations of black voters, he needs economic growth, and this audience can help him achieve it. Many whites look at him as something of a great white hope, actually, insofar as he is fairly mild. In the sense that he does not seriously threaten their continued good life in South Africa.

And in lots of ways, he will be able to deliver to them what apartheid failed to. And this is international legitimacy, the lifting of sanctions, and South Africa's economic reintegration with the world. Most white people's quality of life won't change. We are very much aware of the concerns of the minorities.

We are aware of the advantageous position that you hold, that you are the key in the building of a new South Africa. You have nothing to fear from a government of the African National Home Office. I thank you. I would certainly think that Mr. Mandela is a visionary man.

He's got great visions for South Africa. Apart from being very eloquent, I think it was absolutely an experience listening to the man. I really, truly respect him, and I have sympathy for him for what he had to go through, and I was terribly impressed.

The principal beneficiaries of the new political settlement will be whites and the small black elite of roughly a million and a half. The problem is not the one and a half million blacks, but the majority of black society that is uneducated or undereducated, unemployed or underemployed, who are not going to benefit much. at least initially, from the political settlement.

Back at Ivory Park squatter camp, Mandela's visit has left residents eager to vote. But first, they must register, and this has been a major problem. The registration system has been overwhelmed, unable to cope with a strain of 15 million people desperate to vote for the first time, like Anna Makupa. I'm going to go to the hospital. I'm going to take a photo.

I'm going to take a picture of my son. Often people's expectations are portrayed as totally unrealistic and really ridiculous. And I take great exception to that because if you look at what people's expectations are, you go to Ivory Park or some of the places that you've... visited. And you ask people what do they want of Nelson Mandela when he's the president.

They tell you they want a house. They would like electricity in their house. They would like a tap with running water. They would like a toilet with waterborne sewage. They would like to see the garbage removed on the street.

So people's expectations are quite modest. In fact, shockingly modest I think. In the great effort to create a new society and a new nation We dare not fail.

History and the world will judge us very harshly if we do not do what is just and correct. We will not have a second chance. I wish this conference success. January 1994. The ANC's special conference debates the party's reconstruction and development programme.

Its plan? To reform South Africa. A man love.

Viva ANC, viva. Comrades, our people are not asking for yachts. They are not asking for holiday houses. They are not asking... asking for thousands of rands in a safe deposit.

Our people ask for water, for toilets, for jobs, for taps, for rights to health, for living wages. Those are the things that our people expect of us. And we have no business. In fact, we have no desire to begin to entertain any notions of scaling down those expectations. We are the people of Zerilis, we are the people of Zerilis, we are the people of Zerilis.

Viva! Viva! Viva! Transkei, where Mandela was born and raised. There's no tradition of democracy here, and many people have little idea of what voting actually involves.

CHILDREN SPEAK INDIAN I'm going to make you a cake, a wheel, a flag. You'll get it here. You'll make it here. You'll make it here. Mandela's sister, Mabel, who still lives here, attends a voter education session in the village.

She says her brother first became interested in politics as a teenager. They say that the government is not responsible for the death of the women. The government is responsible for the death of the women. They say that the government is responsible for the death of the women.

The government is responsible for the death of the women. Mandela's childhood was spent in the village of Kunu, where he herded cattle and sheep. But his family was better off than most. His father was a chief.

He spent his later childhood living in the royal compound at Umm Kukezweni, where he enjoyed listening to village elders talking about the past. His ancestors had owned land until the British and the Boers came to the area. The man who will be president of South Africa is a very private person. I think that is the only thing that matters.

who calls an incredible amount of respect to me, both as a young person and as a woman, but I think those are two odd handicaps which I have in my relationship with him as well, because he'll always treat me as a child. And as I said, he's not sexist. but he's incredibly chivalrous.

And it's almost that gap of having been to prison for 27 years. And I don't find it offensive. He certainly doesn't demean me in the way that he relates to me as a woman.

But he always feels that he sort of has to open doors for me or to treat me with some care on the basis of my being a woman. When I came up here now, the president said to me, he will pray for me. Now, I don't know how to take that.

He's a very proud person. And I suppose the unfortunate events in his family life were quite painful to him. Because he actually cares a lot about family.

I was just saying this morning. with him on Sunday and he just said to me, I don't want to be personal but how old are you? Do you not think you ought to really think about whether you want to have children or not?

And I I said to him, no, don't be crazy. I don't even, you know, I've been quite flippant about it. And he said to me, no, people always talk about the difficulties of having children, the responsibilities.

But people never speak about the joy. And how having children, in fact, forces you to redefine yourself. And you just begin to look at yourself in a whole other perspective.

It's so ironic that we were actually closer when he was in prison than now because at least we were guaranteed two visits a month. We knew we'd be able to see him, but then sometimes when he travels and stuff we could easily not see him for two months. I really wish I had more time with him, I really do, because I really miss being with him and spending more time with him. The moment he stepped out of prison, he was national property. And it was as if, you know...

We were lucky to have even 10 minutes of his time for the family. He had given his life totally to the struggle, and it would have been wrong of us to stand in his way, because... This was a fulfillment of the people's dreams, that we'd come out of prison and lead them and deliver them, finally, to liberation. Despite hopes that Nelson Mandela's release from prison might herald a new era of peace, it's been the most violent period in modern South African history. The Bishu Massacre, when the army in Siskiyah fired on a peaceful crowd, was one of the worst.

single incidence, Mandela has proved unable to stop the bloodshed. The violence has reached a point where the question as to whether it is endemic is a valid question. In fact, the question has become a larger question. one for me.

It is whether South Africa is going to go on to be a violence-driven society or whether it will be possible to construct South Africa as a peaceful society. A major factor has been the way the government, at the height of the struggle, sought to turn black against black and fomented groups, particularly through military intelligence, black groups as forces and surrogates they could use against us in the democratic movement. And one such force is Nkata Innatel.

Nkata's leader, Chief Butelezi, has become the primary obstacle to peace in South Africa. South Africa. In meeting after meeting, Mandela has sought to appease him.

But Butelezi remains a wild card, promising South Africans yet more blood and tears. Inkata has turned Natal into a war zone. In the last eight years, 12,000 people have been killed here in clashes between Inkata and ANC supporters.

All Mandela can do is go to Natal and appeal for peace. This is the ANC's first rally at Esakaweni Township, where more than 100 people have been killed in factional fighting. Mandela comes to reclaim the township for the ANC.

Previous rallies have been cancelled after threats from Inkata. CHEERING AND APPLAUSE People want peace. They are tired of violence.

They have lost their beloved. And anybody who is threatening violence, blood and tears, is unlikely to get the support of the people. One victim of the violence is nine-year-old Zibani Ngema.

He was blinded and paralysed in an attack on his family by an Inkata gunman, which killed his aunt, a trade union activist. I'm very happy to travel to Kuala Lumpur. What is the name of this fish? It's small.

Small? Yes. How much is it?

Nine. Nine? Yes, yes, come here.

Why do you want to go there? Oh, no, I don't want to go there. I'm going to go there.

I'm going to go there. Oh, yes, go there. Katlahon, a township in the East Rand. Nowhere is Mandela's inability to end the violence clearer than here.

Covert government efforts to destabilize the townships have had dire consequences. In Katlahong, clashes between Inkata and ANC supporters have turned this area into a war zone. A death is a routine event. Katlahong is now being called the Sarajevo of Africa, and Mandela can do nothing to stop the violence. It's the mounting death toll in the townships that prompts Mandela on the campaign trail to launch his bitterest attack on President de Klerk.

He welcomes the violence amongst Africans. because it is taking place only amongst Africans. And he therefore believes that if this violence continues until the 27th of April, then he will cut down the support of the ANC, so much so that he may even cling to political power after the 27th of April.

That is the strategy that is being used by the government. And that is why they have never taken any precautions to protect our people against violence. Why should a government which professes to be a government of Christians Decided to use murder as a method of rising to political power.

Where were you off to now, Mr. Mandela? No, I'm going home. In Katlahong, another funeral.

Mankani Gwaza, an ANC activist, is buried by his friends and family. One more death, and one more family torn apart by the political violence which has wracked South Africa for more than 40 years. I am the leader of the community.

Mandela has failed so far to rid his country of apartheid's legacy of violence and hatred. But he has tried to promote a mood of forgiveness in the new South Africa. On the campaign trail, South Africa's president-in-waiting launches his party's manifesto and his vision for the future.

There are those who would like us to believe that the past does not exist. That decades of apartheid rule have suddenly disappeared. But the economic and social devastation of apartheid remains.

Our country is in a mess. Do you regret apartheid? Yes, I did say so.

I said we are sorry for the mistakes of the past and for the mistakes due to apartheid. And what is important now is to look at how we can repair it as fast as possible. And that is why, not only, I'm grateful for the fact that we could settle the political and constitutional differences through negotiations.

bringing about the new constitution, but that we have also decided that we have to work together in the process of socio-economic reconstruction, which will hopefully lead to the repair. Unless these people come clean on what it was that they did and actually acknowledge the pain and the damage to people and this country, I think it's very hard to speak about just forgiveness. I think it's important that we must remember our past in this country.

I think it's important to act as a beacon to those of us who will become the new custodians of our people's future. That we must remember... You know, in the same way that people remember the Holocaust, we must never forget what happened under apartheid. So that nobody will ever take a public office in this country and actually get away with anything which vaguely resembles apartheid. At last, the day is arriving when we can all vote.

For a government of our choice, this is tribute above all to the efforts and sacrifices of millions of South Africans. The ANC's vision of a South Africa in which people live in peace and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which sustained me during the 27 years in prison. It is an ideal for which I was prepared to sacrifice my life.

Now is the time. Let God bless Africa. I thank you. How do you feel about the future?

Do you feel hopeful? Good! I feel real good.

I mean, I deplore the violence. But overall, I think, I mean, that our chances... are very, very good for bringing it off.

I mean, we are a remarkable country. I mean, when you think that before 1990, certain things were illegal. Blacks could not... not live in areas designated for whites. They do so now.

And the sky hasn't fallen in. And what is even more remarkable is that people who before accepted that it was legal and moral now are accepting something that has turned apartheid on its head. People go to the same schools.

Yes, we still have the aberrations where children are stopped. because of being the wrong colour. But more and more you would see the bulk of people in South Africa saying, hey, it is actually possible to live as one people.

It is possible to use the resources, the substantial resources that God has given us in this country, not for the benefit of just one small click, but for all of us. Hey, why were we so stupid for so long? Hussar!

Hussar! Hussar!

Transcript for:Nelson Mandela's Leadership and Legacy

Transcript for:
Nelson Mandela's Leadership and Legacy