Transcript for:
Admiral Kolchak's Life and Civil War

November 1918. In Western Europe, the First World War is coming to an end... But a new conflict has erupted in the former Russian Empire... a civil war that rages from Central Europe to the Pacific Ocean... and will claim an estimated 10 to 17 million lives. Lenin, the Bolsheviks and their new Soviet Republic are fighting for survival against their many enemies, collectively known as the Whites. The Whites' great hope: their new "Supreme Ruler of Russia" is Admiral Alexander Kolchak. He is a war hero, a man of duty and discipline, who believes above all in serving his “homeland.” Millions of people hope that he will crush the Bolsheviks, avenge the murdered Tsar and save Russia from chaos and collapse. This is the life story of Admiral Kolchak - the only "Supreme Ruler" of Russia. Arctic Ocean. 1900 The Russian scientific vessel "Zarya" is sailing east, towards discoveries on the outskirts of the Russian Empire. The leader of the expedition is Baron Eduard Toll, a famous Russian explorer and geologist. He intends to explore the Arctic Ocean and discover "Sannikov Land" - a mythical island believed to be located north of the New Siberian Islands. Among its crew is 26-year-old naval lieutenant Alexander Vasilyevich Kolchak. Kolchak was a brilliant naval cadet. But he grew bored with service aboard the Petropavlosk, one of Russia's newest battleships. Kolchak had a passion for scientific discovery and oceanography, as well as a thirst for adventure. When Baron Toll invited him to join his expedition, he jumped at the chance. The beginning of the 20th century was a time of intense imperial rivalry and scientific exploration. Russia, under the autocratic rule of Emperor Nicholas II, is among the leaders and is trying to learn more about its vast northern territories. Toll's expedition is part of this process - and will prove as dramatic as any other story in the annals of polar exploration. Toll was a very ambitious leader and expert geologist, but knew little about the sea. His ship "Zarya" was in poor condition and was not suitable for long navigation in the ice. Nevertheless, for two years the expedition explored the frozen coast, ice floes and islands of the Arctic north of Russia. Once Toll was almost drowned by a walrus, and Kolchak was chased by polar bears. In May 1902, frustrated by the failure to find Sannikov Land, Toll made an extremely dangerous decision. Since the Zarya was locked in sea ice, he set off with three men on a sleigh to Bennett Island. A month later, "Zarya" was freed from the ice and went after them. But, faced with impassable ice and exhausted coal reserves, the ship was forced to turn back. Toll and his team were trapped. Lieutenant Kolchak proved himself to be a key member of the expedition and a loyal comrade of Baron Toll. He was convinced that their leader should not be abandoned. Returning 5,600 km overland to St. Petersburg, Kolchak helped organize a rescue operation. His plan seemed crazy: to reach Bennett Island without a ship, using only sleds and small boats. But for lack of better options, his proposal was approved. Kolchak postponed his own wedding in order to return to the Arctic and begin preparations. On May 5, 1903, Kolchak's rescue expedition of 17 people set off through 1,000 km of snow and dangerous, shifting pack ice. Traveling by dog ​​sleds and whale boats, it took them three grueling months to reach Bennett Island. Where... they found no trace of Baron Toll. Just an abandoned camp, a few scientific observations and a note: “We are leaving for the south today,” the note read, “We have provisions for 14-20 days. Everyone is healthy.” The note was dated October 26th. Nine months have passed. Despite the failure, Kolchak's bold rescue operation brought him national fame and the highest award of the Imperial Geographical Society - the Konstantinov Medal. For this he was nicknamed... Kolchak-Polar. Returning to Yakutsk in January 1904, Kolchak learned that Japan had attacked Russia’s Far Eastern base in Port Arthur, and war was declared. Kolchak had the opportunity to act and serve his Motherland. He immediately applied for a transfer to the front. But first he met with his fiancée Sofia Fedorovna in Irkutsk to celebrate the postponed wedding. Four days later he left for the Far East. The world expected Russia, a great imperial power, to easily defeat Japan, the "Asian upstart" according to the racial ideas of the time. But instead, the war became a disappointment and humiliation for the Russian army... Crushing defeats on land... and at sea... led to a political crisis within the country. Lieutenant Kolchak could do little to change the course of the war while stationed in Port Arthur with the Russian Pacific Fleet. Nevertheless, he served with distinction and courage. As the commander of a small, outdated destroyer, he was mainly involved in laying mines at sea. One of his mines brought great success, sinking the Japanese cruiser Takasago. But Kolchak became bored with the monotony of duties, and he was overcome by poor health. In December 1904, the Japanese came close enough to Port Arthur to bombard Russian warships with their land artillery. Ship after ship, the Russian Pacific Fleet was sent to the bottom. A few days later, Port Arthur capitulated. Kolchak was among the 25,000 Russian prisoners, but, as a sick and wounded officer, he was repatriated a few months later and returned to his wife in St. Petersburg. The war was demoralizing for Russia and for Kolchak personally, although he received several medals for leadership and bravery. 1914: The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo causes an international crisis. Austria-Hungary accuses Serbia of this crime and is planning retaliatory actions. This forces Nicholas II to mobilize the Russian army to support Serbia, a Slavic ally. In response, Austria's ally Germany declares war on Russia. Soon all the great European empires find themselves at war. That summer, when the Russian army was on the brink of disaster in East Prussia... 39-year-old Captain Kolchak took command of the destroyer flotilla of the Russian Baltic Fleet. The previous year, in an official report, he was described as “An outstanding officer in all respects.... Solid character... very disciplined, excellent upbringing.” Kolchak was an exemplary tsarist officer in all respects. Now in the Baltic, he and his flotilla were to achieve significant success, despite the overwhelming superiority of the German fleet. Once again, the Russians' favorite tactic was laying mines. In the first days of the conflict, Kolchak's flotilla alone laid 6,000 mines in the Gulf of Finland. These operations effectively protected the Russian capital from attack from the sea. Subsequently, Kolchak led a number of daring night operations to lay mines on the approaches to enemy ports, including Memel, Danzig and Kiel. Kolchak's courageous leadership brought him new medals and a meeting with Emperor Nicholas himself. In 1916, Kolchak was promoted to rank, becoming the youngest vice admiral in the Russian Navy, with a new role as Commander-in-Chief of the Black Sea Fleet. He arrived at his new headquarters in Sevastopol, Crimea, in July. He was accompanied by his wife Sofia and their six-year-old son. By this time, the couple had lost two children in infancy. In the Black Sea, Kolchak faced Russia's old enemy - the Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria. Kolchak quickly adopted an aggressive strategy, laying mines off enemy coasts and providing naval support for Russian operations in the Caucasus region. He really hoped to launch an operation to capture the Bosphorus Strait, which would be a decisive blow to the Ottomans and would open a sea route to Russia's western allies. To accomplish this task, the first marine division in Russia was created under the command of Kolchak. But the operation never took place. It remained a dream - beyond the capabilities of Russia. However, Kolchak's success on the Black Sea helped him become even more famous - a celebrated war hero at a time when the Russians were desperate for good news. After all, news of defeats, chaos and unrest came from all sides. March 1917. Protests against food prices and the enormous casualties of the war began on the streets of the Russian capital, renamed Petrograd. This was the beginning of the revolution. Within a few days, news of this reached the Black Sea Fleet, located 1,600 km to the south, in Crimea. Admiral Kolchak, deciding to prevent any unrest in the fleet, issued a proclamation: I order all ranks of the Black Sea Fleet and the ground forces entrusted to me to continue to firmly and unwaveringly fulfill their duty to the Sovereign Emperor and the Motherland. The next day, Nicholas II abdicated the throne. For Kolchak it was a stunning blow. Duty, discipline, loyalty to the sovereign and homeland - that's all he knew. And he foresaw that there would be real chaos ahead. On the contrary, most of his sailors joyfully received the news of the revolution in Petrograd. Their lives were characterized by bleak conditions and brutal discipline - finally there was a chance to overthrow this hated regime. In Sevastopol, the sailors elected their own council and formed their own committees. Initial demands included the renaming of all ships bearing Imperial names. Discipline and respect for authority began to crumble. Kolchak maintained a high tempo of military operations to keep his men occupied, but privately spoke of facing “the shame of a senseless mutiny in wartime.” For three months he held the fleet together with firm leadership and careful compromise with the sailors. But Bolshevik agitators were at work among the sailors. They demanded an immediate end to the “capitalist” war and the removal of tsarist officers like Kolchak from command. In June, the crew of his own flagship, George the Victorious, opposed the admiral. They demanded that all officers be stripped of their weapons and swords. To avoid bloodshed, Kolchak agreed. But instead of giving up his own ceremonial sword, he threw it into the sea. The Japanese, our enemies, even left me weapons,” he told his people. You won’t get it either!” A few days later, Kolchak resigned his command and left for Petrograd. His wife and son remained in Crimea. He would not see them again. Kolchak had previously publicly condemned the reforms of the new Provisional Government of Russia, which, in his opinion, opinion, destroyed the army. Now the story of his disobedience in the face of the rebellion became the property of all of Russia. Such reputation among Russian conservatives was at its best. Many even wondered whether he would become the very military dictator the country needed to restore law and order. the conversations alarmed the Russian Provisional Government. Minister of War Alexander Kerensky probably even considered Kolchak as a potential rival. Therefore , he met with Kolchak and informed him that he was going abroad as part of a military mission to the Western allies. Kolchak himself called it “a form of political exile.” In the summer of the same year, Kolchak traveled through Norway to Great Britain and then to the United States of America. He met with President Wilson and senior US naval officers. But plans for real military cooperation between Russia and its allies were clearly not destined to come true. In San Francisco, Kolchak accepted an invitation to return to Russia to enter politics as a candidate for the Cadets, Russia's last non-socialist political party. But in Japan, on the way home, he received shocking news: a second revolution had occurred in Russia. The Bolsheviks seized power. Now Lenin was at the head of the country. Kolchak was shocked by the October Revolution of 1917. He despised Lenin and the Bolsheviks, who soon renamed themselves the "Russian Communist Party." The main reason for his hostility was Lenin's plan to immediately conclude peace with Germany. Like many tsarist officers, Kolchak considered Russia's obligations to its World War I allies to be sacred. Lenin's negotiations with the Germans were both dishonest and treasonous. Kolchak’s further actions were clear: as an admiral of the Russian fleet, I considered our allied commitment towards Germany to remain in full force. The only form in which I could continue my service to the Motherland, which found itself in the hands of German agents and traitors, was participation in the war with Germany on the side of our allies." Kolchak offered his services to the British. At first they planned to send him to Mesopotamia... but soon offered him a much larger role. While fighting was still raging on the Western Front of World War I, the Allies were desperately trying to force Russia to join the fight against Germany. This meant removing Lenin and the Bolsheviks from power, who added in July of that year. to their crimes, the execution of Emperor Nicholas II and his entire family in Yekaterinburg. Therefore, when the civil war engulfed Russia, the Allies supported the anti-Bolshevik forces, the so-called “Whites,” against the Bolsheviks, the “Reds.” The British nominated Admiral Kolchak as a person who could. would unite and lead the white forces in the Far East, and this proposal received widespread support. In September 1918, Kolchak arrived in Vladivostok. Here he learned that a meeting of anti-Bolshevik groups had recently taken place in Ufa, at which the “Provisional All-Russian Government” was created. In essence, it was a continuation of the Provisional Government, destroyed by the Bolsheviks. For this reason, it did not find support among Kolchak and other conservatives, who accused the Provisional Government of leading Russia into chaos in the first place. In the same month, the offensive of the Bolshevik Red Army troops forced the Provisional Government to leave Ufa and move to Omsk. Kolchak traveled 4,600 km by train to join him. On November 5, 1918, after long discussions, he agreed to become the Minister of War and Navy of the Provisional Government. Two days later, Kolchak formed the General Staff and went to the front to assess the situation. The military situation in Russia was incredibly difficult. White troops were scattered along the outskirts of the country. General Boldyrev commanded 180,000 troops of the Provisional Government on the Omsk Front. General Denikin's volunteer army in southern Russia numbered about 50,000 people. The Northern Provisional Government, a small white enclave, had only 6,000 soldiers. They were supported by allied contingents of varying numbers, performing mainly auxiliary and instructor functions. The most important Allied contribution was the shipment of weapons, ammunition and supplies through Russian seaports. The Czechoslovak Corps, numbering about 50,000 people, operated on the Omsk Front. The history of the corps was unusual. This unit, composed mainly of Czech volunteers, fought alongside the Russians on the Eastern Front against the Germans. When the Bolsheviks came to power and made peace with Germany, the corps received permission to travel by rail to Vladivostok and then by sea to France to join the Allies. But the Bolsheviks changed their minds and tried to disarm the Czechs, who resisted. Now the corps found itself in Russia, holding key points along the Trans-Siberian Railway - the most important transport and supply route from east to west. Further complicating the picture was that the Russian Civil War ran parallel to several national conflicts and struggles for independence - in Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania and other countries. White forces in Russia - fragmented, disunited both geographically and often politically - were pitted against the gigantic resources of Lenin's Bolshevik Russian state, which controlled Russia's largest cities, industrial centers and transport hubs and had some 800,000 soldiers under its command. It was a frightening prospect. The difficult military situation did not help ease political tensions among the whites. On the one hand, these were left-wing socialist revolutionaries supporting the February Revolution, on the other, right-wing conservatives who wanted to restore the monarchy. The latter had no time for socialists and provisional governments: they believed that only a strong dictator could now save Russia. On November 18 they made their move. 300 Cossacks entered Omsk and arrested all the Social Revolutionary delegates they could find. The provisional government was abolished by its own executive body, the Council of Ministers. It was then decided to elect a new “Supreme Ruler of Russia,” who was to have absolute dictatorial power. The man they chose... was Admiral Alexander Kolchak. A leader with a brilliant military record, widely respected, with close contacts with Western allies. First of all, he was a man who shared their opinion that only a return to law and order could save Russia from chaos. Kolchak himself did not seek to take the post of Supreme Ruler, believing that others were better suited for this. But duty called, and he had to answer. In November 1918, as a result of a coup carried out by whites in Omsk, Alexander Kolchak came to power and became the Supreme Ruler of Russia. The 44-year-old admiral now had power equal to that of the emperor and had absolute veto power over any new laws. Despite his sudden rise, Kolchak did not surround himself with luxury and did not move into the palace. He continued to rent a city house in Omsk and carefully monitored his expenses. In Omsk, his devoted lover Anna Timireva lived with him, who also worked as his translator. His wife and son, whom he had not seen for over a year, were still in Crimea. They were soon to travel to Paris, where many White Russians were living as refugees. Having become Supreme Ruler, Kolchak faced serious challenges. And it soon became clear that he was neither a natural nor a skilled politician. His methods were harsh and harsh, his sentences short and precise. If he didn't get his way, he got upset and angry. He strictly adhered to his own idea of ​​\u200b\u200bhonor - both for himself and for his "homeland." However, he was extremely hardworking, well-mannered and could be humanly kind and generous. Kolchak's first priority was recognition of his position as Supreme Ruler - by the Russian people, the army and other white leaders. Equally important, he needed the recognition of his allies - primarily Great Britain, France and the United States. The previous week, on November 11, the armistice effectively ended the First World War. And although fighting continued in many parts of Europe, the Allies could now devote many more resources to supporting the Whites. However, the Allies no longer needed Russia to participate in the First World War - they were now more interested in " regime change" - replacing the Bolsheviks with someone less hostile and more reliable. Therefore, at first the allies were alarmed by the unexpected coup that brought Kolchak to power. In his first statement, he immediately tried to reassure them: I will not follow either the path of reaction or the disastrous path of partisanship. My main goal is to create a combat-ready army, defeat the Bolsheviks and establish law and order, so that the people can freely choose for themselves the type of government they want. Whether Kolchak really wanted democracy in Russia... will never be clarified. In the white-controlled areas of Russia, the reaction to the new Supreme Ruler was generally positive. Conservatives welcomed the emergence of a strong leader after so much chaos. But the reaction was not long in coming. The left groups that the coup pushed out of power - the Socialist Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks - did not give up. They convened their own Constituent Assembly in Yekaterinburg, where just 4 months earlier Nicholas II and his family were killed by the Bolsheviks. This meeting refused to recognize Kolchak's new government and called for resistance. In response, the Supreme Ruler ordered local Czechoslovak troops to arrest all of his members. Many of them were later killed during the uprising in Omsk, during which several hundred Social Revolutionaries died. Kolchak showed that he is not afraid to use his dictatorial powers. And such firm actions contributed to strengthening his position. On the other hand, the Social Revolutionaries - his allies in the fight against the Reds just a few weeks ago - have now become his worst enemies. They accused Kolchak of wanting to make himself emperor, which, in their opinion, made him an even greater threat than the Bolsheviks. Elsewhere, whites accepted Kolchak's rule. General Yudenich is in the north-west. Marushevsky - in the north. And General Denikin, who commanded the Volunteer Army in the south. The areas under Kolchak's direct control were actually under the control of military authorities. Local councils could not be relied upon because they supported the policies of the Social Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks, such as land reform. Instead, whites banned unions and returned nationalized industries to private ownership. Wherever the whites met resistance, they acted ruthlessly. When an uprising broke out on the Yenisei, Kolchak ordered the destruction of every village that offered armed resistance - burn it to the ground, shoot the inhabitants, confiscate everything of value. It was ordered to take hostages, and if local residents collaborated with the Bolshevik partisans, they were shot. In the process of suppressing the uprising on the Yenisei, white troops executed about 10,000 Russians - all this was a direct consequence of Kolchak's orders. The Bolsheviks were equally merciless in the territory they controlled. Some historians distinguish between the Red and White Terror during the Civil War: The Red Terror was directed from above, it was the official policy of mass murder along class lines. The White Terror was reactive, spontaneous, and usually carried out by local commanders. This made little difference for ordinary Russians, who suffered incalculable suffering and died in unimaginable numbers in this war. In economic terms, Kolchak had one advantage over the Bolsheviks: he controlled two-thirds of the gold reserves of Imperial Russia, seized from the Bolsheviks and now stored in Omsk - a total of 490 tons. By the end of 1918, several Allied expeditionary forces were in Russia, designed to help the Whites. More important than the troops were the weapons, ammunition and food that the allies sent. But this support was fraught with certain difficulties. Kolchak received a telegram that the Allies expected French General Maurice Janin, who was in Vladivostok, to take overall command of all Allied and Russian soldiers in Siberia. Kolchak strongly rejected this idea, saying that he would rather refuse foreign aid than submit to such a proposal. In the end, a compromise was reached - General Janin would command only the Czechoslovak Corps and some other, small Allied contingents. Most of them will be allocated to guard supply lines and railways... Some historians believe that Janin's wounded pride will subsequently lead to bitter consequences for Admiral Kolchak. The war with the Bolsheviks was always Kolchak's main goal. His dream is the capture of Moscow and Petrograd. From the previous government he inherited plans for a major attack on Vologda. The goal was to break through to the White forces near Arkhangelsk and gain access to Allied aid arriving through the northern ports. The offensive began on November 27. The Yekaterinburg White Army faced the Red 3rd Army, which was ordered to hold a 400 kilometer front while experiencing severe shortages of fuel, food and warm clothing. The offensive started successfully. The Reds soon retreated with heavy losses, and on December 24 the Whites took the city of Perm. This was a major victory for Kolchak's troops. They captured 30,000 prisoners, 120 artillery pieces, 1,000 machine guns and 9 armored trains. Wanting to avenge this humiliating defeat, the Red Army launched a counteroffensive in January. But after small successes and huge losses on both sides, the offensive reached a dead end. The capture of Perm gave Kolchak and his generals hope, and they planned a new large-scale offensive for the spring of 1919. Their ambitious plan was to advance in the direction of Vyatka and Saratov, break through the overstretched center of the Red Army and cover Moscow from the north, east and south. The offensive began in March, and soon the white troops were rapidly advancing towards the Volga. By the end of April, they had advanced approximately 300 km, capturing territory rich in industrial and agricultural resources, and reached the approaches to Kazan, Simbirsk and Samara. French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau and British Minister of War Winston Churchill were among those who sent congratulations to Kolchak. For whites, Moscow has finally become within reach. And given the military success and new international support, the Kolchak government looked stronger than ever. The days of the Bolsheviks seemed to be numbered. Lenin and the Bolsheviks were deeply alarmed by Kolchak's success. Emergency measures were taken that would soon enable them to fight back. People's Commissar for Military Affairs Leon Trotsky ensured that the size of the Red Army doubled in just a year. It now numbered 1.5 million soldiers and relied on all the resources of the state collected under the new policy of “war communism.” In April, Lenin declared Kolchak "enemy number one" of the Soviet Republic. The slogan "Everything is for Kolchak!" became the new slogan of the Bolsheviks. The Eastern Front of the Red Army received two new brilliant commanders - Mikhail Tukhachevsky and Mikhail Frunze. In April 1919, they launched a counteroffensive with an army of 80,000. The white troops soon began to rapidly retreat. On June 9, Ufa, the most important stronghold of the Whites, fell. In the midst of this crisis, Kolchak received a chance for salvation - an offer of military support that could turn the tide against the Reds... Finland - under Russian rule for more than a century - declared its independence after the Bolshevik revolution. The Regent of Finland, Carl Gustav Mannerheim, proposed attacking Petrograd with an army of 100,000. In exchange, he wanted Kolchak to recognize the independence of Finland. Kolchak categorically refused. Even in this desperate hour, he would not agree to the dismemberment of the historical Russian Empire. By August, the Red Army crossed the Tobol River. But Kolchak had a plan: he sacrificed territory to gain time for respite and regrouping of troops. As Supreme Commander-in-Chief, Kolchak regularly visited front-line units to familiarize himself with the situation and talk with the soldiers. He brought extra rations of coffee, sugar and tobacco to boost morale. He always talked about duty and "Motherland". But small gifts and words could not compensate for the increasingly difficult situation of his troops. They were desperately short of supplies, including transport, fuel, clothing and weapons, a crisis caused in part by massive corruption and theft on the home front. The return of tsarist discipline, which included flogging and beating of soldiers, caused even greater discontent. Desertion increased, especially among the new peasant conscripts who had no reason to love the whites. During personal communication, Kolchak increasingly lost his composure and could not control his temper. He looked noticeably gaunt, and by the age of 44 his hair had turned completely grey. Rumors of morphine addiction were most likely malicious gossip. But the Supreme Ruler became unbalanced and irritable. In August of the same year, Kolchak threw himself into planning a counteroffensive that was supposed to support General Denikin’s offensive on Moscow. Great hopes were placed on its outcome. The attack began on September 1. Initial results were excellent. Kolchak's troops defeated the 3rd Red Army, took thousands of prisoners, advanced more than 160 kilometers and drove the Reds back beyond the Tobol. But the large encirclements planned by Kolchak, which were supposed to destroy the Red forces on the eastern front, did not materialize due to a lack of cavalry. Near the Tobol River, the Reds managed to gain a foothold and restore the defense line. Kolchak's troops, exhausted by the offensive and weakened by their own losses, could not move forward. October 1919. On the eastern front of the Civil War, the earth shook from explosions - the Red Army launched another major offensive. The Whites stubbornly resisted, but when the Reds created bridgeheads on Tobol, a decision was made to begin a strategic retreat. General Denikin's attack on Moscow also met with fierce resistance. The Reds were advancing everywhere. Omsk, Kolchak's capital, was under threat. Kolchak was going to hold her until the last man. "If we lose Omsk, we will lose everything!" - he announced. But the speed of the Reds’ advance did not give time to organize a full-fledged defense. The city was hastily evacuated on November 10. Russia's gold reserves were loaded onto a Red Cross train and taken to safety. Kolchak rejected the offer of the French General Janin to take them under “international protection.” “I don’t believe you,” Kolchak told him, “I would rather leave the gold to the Bolsheviks than hand it over to the allies.” These words showed how much trust had weakened between him and General Janin. Kolchak hoped to create a new defensive line along the Ob River, 600 km east of Omsk. But by December this line was broken too. The discord in relations with the Czechoslovak Corps was the last straw. The Trans-Siberian Railway, the most important artery for the transfer of troops and cargo, was under the control of the Czechoslovaks . Now the corps officers decided that the evacuation of their own people would take priority over the movement of troops and supplies to Kolchak. Kolchak himself was traveling east on the Supreme Ruler's train, accompanied by gold reserves. His destination was Irkutsk, where he planned to establish his new headquarters. Chaos reigned around him. White troops retreated en masse, the government's power collapsed, and a typhus epidemic quickly spread. Large areas were controlled by Bolshevik partisans or bandits. Famine was approaching. On December 25, in Nizhneudinsk, 450 km from Irkutsk, Kolchak’s train was stopped by Czechoslovak troops carrying out the orders of General Janin. In the conditions of chaos that engulfed Siberia, he stood for two weeks without communication. While he waited, the Bolsheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries rebelled in Irkutsk and took control of the city. Now even the retreat route for Kolchak was closed. Kolchak found himself in complete isolation. A military disaster swept away his forces. The Allies lost patience with his unwillingness to compromise. His authority was destroyed. On January 4, 1920, at the insistence of his own Council of Ministers, Kolchak issued his last decree as Supreme Ruler - he promised to resign in favor of General Denikin. With enemies on all sides, Kolchak planned to flee south into Mongolia with 60 officers and 500 soldiers remaining under his command. He announced that he would not force anyone to participate in this matter - he would only accept volunteers. At dawn the next day, out of 500 soldiers, only 10 remained. Kolchak realized that the matter was lost, and, on the advice of his officers, he came under the protection of the Czechoslovak Corps. On January 10, 1920, Kolchak’s train finally set off for Irkutsk under the protection of the Czechoslovaks. “These allies will sell me,” Kolchak predicted to one of his generals. Of course, upon arrival in Irkutsk five days later, Kolchak was transferred to the new city council of the Social Revolutionaries. The Czechoslovaks argued that they had no choice - this was the only way to ensure their safety when evacuating the country. But some Russian historians later claimed that this was done to cover up the theft of Russia's gold reserves, which were transported along with Kolchak. This is almost certainly a myth, although legends about “Kolchak’s missing gold” continue to this day. The interrogation of Admiral Kolchak began on January 21, 1920. He answered questions willingly, did not betray his subordinates, and took full responsibility for the actions of his government. But the Bolsheviks had already taken control of Irkutsk, and he realized that his prospects were not very good. After all, he himself ordered his soldiers to shoot captured communists. "A civil war must of necessity be merciless. I order the commanders to shoot all captured communists." But suddenly there was hope for salvation. Several thousand troops loyal to the admiral launched a desperate attack on Irkutsk, seeking to free Kolchak and other white officers held there. With fighting, they approached the city at a distance of 8 km... but there were very few of them, and they did not have enough weapons. It was a brave but doomed rescue attempt... and Kolchak's fate was sealed. Early in the morning of February 7, by order of the Irkutsk Military Revolutionary Committee of the Bolsheviks, Admiral Kolchak and the last prime minister of his government, Viktor Pepelyaev, were taken from their cells to the banks of the Angara River. The order was given: “Platoon, attack the enemies of the revolution!” Both bodies were thrown into the hole and were never seen again. With the execution of Admiral Kolchak, the whites' last hope for unified national leadership ended. In 1920 they were defeated on all fronts. The Western allies evacuated their remaining troops from Russia... And although fighting in corners of the new Soviet power continued for another three years, the final victory of Lenin and the Bolsheviks was no longer in doubt. This came at a terrible price. The Russian Civil War was one of the deadliest conflicts in history, with an estimated 750,000 military deaths, 75,000 executions, 5 million civilian deaths from starvation, and 3 million from typhus epidemics. The career of Admiral Kolchak - the only Supreme Ruler of Russia, who was a key figure in the confrontation with Bolshevism for more than a year - ended in complete failure. He faced extraordinary odds and proved himself to be a leader dedicated to duty, discipline and his own imperial vision for his homeland. He was a skilled naval commander and charismatic commander. But he was also tough and inflexible - unable to compromise or create the alliances necessary to achieve success. Under Soviet rule, the name of Admiral Kolchak was disgraced - “enemy of the people”, a tyrant following the example of the emperors - a traitor, about whose grave nothing is known. Today, there is a cross at the supposed site of his execution, and a monument has been erected in Irkutsk. For some Russians, Kolchak remains a romantic, tragic figure - he fought for the former empire and remained faithful to his cause to the end. For others, he embodies the image of a ruthless dictator whose decisions caused many deaths. Thanks for watching. If you liked this video, please subscribe to our channel, like it and be sure to share it with your friends. We have a telegram channel, a VKontakte group and Zen, links will be in the description. Subscribe, there we will post interesting materials on history, as well as inform you about the release of new videos. 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