The 1798 Irish Rebellion Overview

You're listening to Audiology. Support our work on Patreon and be sure to submit your requests for topics in the comments below. In 1798, there was a major uprising against British rule in Ireland, which was then a separate kingdom under British control. This revolt, known as the Irish Rebellion of 1798, was led by a group called the Society of United Irishmen. Initially formed by Presbyterians in Belfast who opposed the Anglican elite, they eventually aimed to establish an independent republic. joining hands with Ireland's Catholic majority. The harsh rental system had stirred discontent among tenants, fueling their involvement in the rebellion. The United Irishmen sought help from the French Republic and sympathetic groups in Britain. However, their plans were disrupted by military clampdowns, leading to seizures and arrests, which pushed them to act. The rebellion began in late May of 1798 with scattered uprisings in the southeast in Carlow and Wexford, where rebels had some initial success, as well as in the north near Belfast and near Dublin in Meth and Kildare. By the end of August, only pockets of the rebels were still fighting, and that's when the French sent troops to County Mayo in the west. Unfortunately, they couldn't join forces with significant rebel groups and surrendered by the 9th of September. The last major battle took place in Kalala on the 23rd of September, where local men who had joined the French were defeated. On the 12th of October, October, another attempt by the French was stopped off the coast of County Donegal, leading to the capture of the rebellion's leader, Wolfe Tone. After the rebellion was quelled, the British government passed the Acts of Union, dissolving the Irish Parliament and integrating Ireland into the United Kingdom, governed from Westminster. The 100th anniversary of this rebellion in 1898 sparked debate among different groups unionists, nationalists who wanted a parliament back in Dublin, and republicans who sought full independence. honoring Wolftone's legacy. Interestingly, this debate was reignited during the Bicentennial in 1998, which coincided with the Belfast Good Friday Agreement, highlighting the lasting impact and differing perspectives on the events of 1798. Toward the end of the 1700s, there was a growing call for constitutional change in Ireland, which was under British rule at the time. The ruling class, known as the Protestant ascendancy, had slightly eased the harsh penal laws that were put in place. after the defeat of the Jacobite forces in 1691 to limit the Catholic Church's influence and suppress the Catholic upper class. Even so, the Anglican elite kept a tight grip on the Irish Parliament, holding all the seats in the House of Lords and through controlled voting districts called pocket boroughs, half of the House of Commons. Meanwhile, the British government made sure its interests were protected by an administration in Ireland that reported back not to Dublin, but directly to the King. and ministers in London. This administrative setup created a situation where only a third of the Commons seats were genuinely available for public election due to more pocket boroughs. On top of that, the British Parliament claimed the right to legislate for Ireland and use that power to limit Irish trade which competed with British interests. This situation was tested when the American colonies revolted. The British military, stretched thin by the fight against the American revolutionaries and their French allies, had to reduce their forces in Ireland. To fill the gap, local militias labeled volunteers stepped up for home defense. These militias began to push for their constitutional rights, much like their counterparts in the Americas. When the Irish Parliament was under pressure in 1782, the volunteers, now showing their power through public displays and military drills, persuaded the government in Westminster to repeal the law that made Ireland dependent on Great Britain. The volunteers, especially strong in the north, where Presbyterians and other Protestant denominations joined in large numbers, aimed to capitalize on this newfound legislative independence. They pushed for the elimination of the pocket boroughs and broader voting rights, but they hit a significant roadblock when it came to incorporating Catholic rights into this parliamentary reform, and that created a split within their ranks. Despite the volunteers'efforts and the challenges they posed, the old order survived. The Anglican aristocracy remained in power, backed by a government that remained directed by London, keeping the status quo largely intact. In Belfast, which was becoming an important trading hub, people were really feeling the absence of their own voice in government. It was under the ownership of the Marcus of Donegal and had no elected officials. In the wake of the excitement over the French Revolution, a group of experienced members from the Volunteer Militia invited Wolftone to speak in October of 1791. Tone, a Protestant and the secretary for Dublin's Catholic Committee, had made a compelling argument in his Argument on Behalf of the Catholics of Ireland. He argued that for Ireland to be truly free, Protestants needed to join forces with Catholics against those he straightforwardly called the boobies and blockheads in power, those of the ascendancy. Taking his lead, this Belfast group called themselves the Society of United Irishmen. They came to a shared conclusion. English influence in Irish politics was excessive, and the only lawful way to counter it was to completely reform how the people's representatives in Parliament were elected. Down in Dublin, where there was a larger and more varied middle class, Tone's allies propagated the same sentiment. From the beginning, the Society of United Irishmen in Dublin was a combination of Protestant, Catholic, and dissenter members, all united with the same aim. In December 1792, with the encouragement of a group called the United Irishmen, a national Catholic convention was held by the Catholic Committee representing a broad base of households. This gathering, known as the Back Lane Parliament, questioned the authority of the established Irish lords and commons. At the time, Britain was gearing up for a potential conflict with France's new government. and King George III met with representatives from the convention, including a man named Tone. The British authorities urged the Irish Parliament to follow suit with an act that had been passed in Westminster in 1791 which lightened the burden of many civil restrictions on Catholics. In areas where elections were held, Catholics who owned sufficient property were now permitted to vote, although the requirement to swear an oath of supremacy meant that Parliament itself remained strictly Protestant. Despite its limited impact on government operations, the price to overcome the resistance of the ruling Protestant ascendancy to this change included disbanding the Catholic Committee, forming a new militia that included Catholic recruits, and passing a Convention Act that banned organized opposition outside of Parliament. When it became clear that the United Irishmen wouldn't accept these terms, they had aspirations to reform their own group to mirror France's National Guard. The government cracked down on them. Following the exposure of a secret meeting between a French agent named William Jackson and United leaders, including Tone and Archibald Hamilton Rowan, the group was officially declared illegal in May 1794. In May of 1795, United delegates from Belfast and nearby towns came together to counteract increasing oppression by adopting a stronger system of organization. They decided that local societies would be made up of 7 to 35 members. and would unite through committees at different levels, baronial, county, and eventually provincial. Once three-quarters of Irish provinces were organized, a national directory would be established. Thanks to this new system, the society quickly expanded throughout Ulster, and even though Dublin was initially reluctant to give up open meetings, it too joined, followed by regions in the Midlands and the South. William Drennan proposed a test or pledge to unite Irish people of all faiths, which was embraced by a diverse group including artisans, farmers, and those who had formerly belonged to secret fraternities and jacobin clubs. In the countryside, there were numerous secret societies involved in agrarian disputes known as white boyism, dating back to the mid-18th century. Different groups included the Oak Boys and the Hearts of Steel, who opposed religious favoritism and protested against land issues, respectively. In the 1790s, newly organized groups called defenders, who were mostly Catholic, emerged. These defenders had previously been in conflict in Armagh with Protestant groups over land and jobs. Despite warnings from Catholic leaders about taking oaths with the United Irishmen, the defenders were drawn to the idea of Irish independence. As for planning, each society within the new system of organization was responsible for training members and forming battalions for a possible uprising. Even though only Ulster and Leinster were organized, the group's leaders struggled with differing opinions at a meeting in Dublin in June 1797. After the meeting disbanded and some leaders fled the country, the remaining leaders from Leinster, including Lord Edward Fitzgerald and Arthur O'Connor, began rallying support. While they initially felt too weak to act, by winter they believed their ranks were growing. In February 1798, figures showed nearly 270,000 United Irishmen. but there were doubts about whether they would respond to a call to arms, especially since the authorities had confiscated many of their weapons. Despite continued government pushback and uncertainty about French support, the movement held on, still aiming for Irish independence but waiting for the right moment to act. Here's a more conversational and accessible rephrasing of the given information. In 1795, after being pushed out to America, a man named Tone made his way to Paris. He was determined to show the French government that taking over Ireland could be the key to breaking the strong grip Britain had on maritime power. His detailed reports caught the eye of a French official, Lazare Carnot, and soon enough, plans for an Irish invasion were in the works. General Lazare Hoche got the job of leading this mission, with the hope that it would protect France for years to come. Under General Hoche, an impressive force of 15,000 experienced soldiers gathered in Brest, France. With Tone by their side, they set sail on December 16, 1796 and reached Ireland's Bantry Bay six days later. However, fierce storms stopped them from setting foot on Irish soil. Tone couldn't help but note that England just had the luckiest escape since the time of the Spanish Armada. With no success, the fleet headed back and the troops were dispersed to fight elsewhere in the ongoing wars. Despite the failed landing, the possibility of French help was now a real thought, causing a surge in new members joining Irish societies. Fast forward to 1797, England faced its own problems with naval mutinies. Changes to the established legal system were justified by blaming Irish and English radicals for the turmoil. One of the leaders of these revolts was thought to have links to Irish reform groups. However, no proof was found of any big conspiracy to flip the navy. Meanwhile, the mutinies had brought Britain's naval forces to a halt. Unfortunately for the French, their own fleet faced bad weather too, and ended up being defeated by the British at the Battle of Camperdown. In France, Tone took note of a new leader on the rise, Napoleon Bonaparte. But Napoleon wasn't interested in Ireland's freedom. He was focused on wars that would pay his army. Though there was talk of a large French force preparing to help Ireland, Napoleon quickly ditched the plans, doubting the Irish agents in Paris. On the other side, Irish agents, including one James Coygley, a Catholic priest, were busy. Coygley sought to create a bigger network that reached out to English and Scottish groups. These groups were united in their push for change and readiness to use force, much like their Irish counterparts. From Manchester to London, Coygley spread this network and even discussed plans to bring down the British government and team up with the French if they were to invade. By July 1797, these plans had made their way to leadership in Dublin and Belfast. Even the idea that England, Scotland, and Ireland could act as one force for freedom was enough to encourage some, regardless of whether the French would ever set foot on British soil. Back in 1798, A wave of frightening attacks on judges in counties like Tipperary, Kildare, and King's County put the authorities on edge. They also knew that a group within the United Irishmen, led by figures like Fitzgerald and O'Connor, believed they were ready to start a rebellion without any help from France. The Viceroy at the time, Lord Camden, found himself pushed by some tough Irish members of Parliament, with John Foster leading the charge, to get a grip on the escalating chaos in the South and Midlands and to lock up the troublemakers in Dublin. However, Camden was wary. He thought coming down too hard could trigger a revolt. The British Home Secretary, Lord Portland, felt the same way, describing the crackdown proposals as dangerous and inconvenient. What changed the game was an informer, Thomas Reynolds, who came forward with evidence that over 250,000 men from Ulster, Leinster, and Munster were gearing up to join a revolutionary army. Based on tips from Reynolds, the government found out about a key meeting scheduled for March 10. at the Dublin home of a wool merchant named Oliver Bond. That's where they planned to decide whether to kick off the uprising. Camden felt he had no choice but to take action, or he'd face a backlash from the Irish Parliament. On March 10th, Camden's forces arrested almost the entire leadership committee, as well as two key figures, McNevin and Emmett, who had been urging patience in lieu of French support. They also captured all their important documents. Meanwhile, over in England, O'Connor was apprehended with another man named Coygley. Coygley, caught with documents addressed to the French Directory, was executed, and the network he built in Britain was dismantled. Back in Dublin, Fitzgerald had to go underground. On March 30th, the Irish government declared martial law, but still let the regular courts operate. The military got a new leader, Gerard Lake, who had a frightening reputation from his troops'harsh methods, in Ulster. And now he turned his sights on Leinster and Munster. As their network fell apart, Fitzgerald, along with other leaders like Samuel Nielsen and the Shears brothers, decided it was time for a wide-scale rebellion set for May 23rd. They hoped for French assistance, but on the 19th, a French military force under Napoleon set sail not to Ireland, but Egypt. The plan was for Dublin's united army to seize key spots in the city while forces from nearby counties surrounded it and moved in. The signal for the rest of the country to join was the halting of the mail coaches leaving Dublin. but everything fell apart. Fitzgerald was fatally injured on the 19th, the Shears brothers were exposed two days later, and Nielsen, essential to the planning, was caught on the morning of the 23rd. The authorities, clued in at the last minute, captured all the rebel gathering points, making those who showed up discard their weapons and go home. The mail coach disruption botched as well, with just one stop near Nass in County Kildare. Still, the planned uprisings in the city's outskirts and the surrounding counties occurred as intended but were quickly suppressed. Early in the morning on May 24th in County Kildare, the insurgency began with skirmishes just as the sun rose. The night before, rebels had attacked the Munster mail coach heading for Naas. By the next day, a group ranging from 1,000 to 3,000 men advanced on the town. Despite their numbers and pikes, they stood no chance against the canister shots and the steady fire from muskets. The small defending garrison, with fewer than 200 troops, managed to scatter the rebels, and a cavalry unit pursued them, cutting down over a hundred as they retreated. Later that day, a turning point came for a smaller group of rebels led by John Esmond, a Protestant doctor who had turned his back on the Yeomanry. They seized Prosperous, a town which would remain under their control until a defeat at Ovidstown on June 19th. However, rebel forces encountered setbacks elsewhere, like the losses in Carlow on May 25th and the significant defeat at the Hill of Tara in County Meath on May 26th. These defeats demoralized many of the Kildare rebels, convincing them that their efforts were failing. Rebel activity persisted the longest in the southeast, especially in Wexford and the Wicklow Mountains. Wexford saw a spark in its resistance on May 26th with the arrival of the feared North Cork militia. Underestimating the strategic hilltop defense of the rebels led by the local clergyman John Murphy, the militia and yeomanry fell into a trap outside Ullart on May 27. Victorious, the insurgents pushed southward, taking over Wexford town and empowering Bagginal Harvey, a Protestant barrister and local leader of the United Irishmen, to take command. On June 5, a rebel force of 3,000 commanded by Bagginal Harvey ran out of ammunition and had to retreat from New Ross. despite the promise of linking up with defender forces in Kilkenny and Waterford. Following this defeat, in a dark turn of events, rebel forces slaughtered up to 200 Loyalist prisoners, including women and children, in what's known as the Scullabogue Barn Massacre. Attempts by the rebels to push north and pave a way to Dublin were thwarted on June 1st at Bunclody and again at Arklow on June 9th, where they even had captured artillery at their disposal. The rebels retreated to the south where New Ross survivors joined them, forming a large encampment of 16,000 at Vinegar Hill outside Enniscorthy. On June 21st, a government force of 13,000 under General Lake encircled the camp, bombarded it, and defeated the rebel forces. The remaining rebels of what was called the Republic of Wexford set up a final stronghold in Killarum Woods, north of the county, led by James Corcoran. Other rebels looked for battles elsewhere. On June 24th, Father Murphy and Miles Byrne led two columns, totaling 8,000 men to Castlecomber. in County Kilkenny, hoping the local militant coal miners would join their cause. Unfortunately, the miners didn't join, and both rebels and the town's defenders had to pull back from the now burning town. Byrne escaped to the Wicklow Mountains, joining a guerrilla resistance led by Joseph Holt and Michael Dwyer. Murphy's group moved into Kildare where, after his capture, they joined forces with William Aylmer's rebels in the Bog of Allen. Despite several tough battles, The Wexford Croppies then advanced into Meath, making their last stand at Knightstown Bog on July 14th. A final few hundred stragglers returned to Kildare, where they surrendered on July 21st. In an effort to quell the remaining resistance, a new amnesty was offered by the new Lord Lieutenant Charles Cornwallis. Pushed through the Irish Parliament by the Chancellor, Lord Clare, a staunch defender of the ascendancy, the aim was to separate Catholics from what they considered the true threat, godless Jacobinism. This amnesty allowed the bulk of the rebellion's participants to avoid severe reprisal, although the leaders were excluded from this. Clemency In the north of Ireland, specifically in Ulster, there was no immediate response to the calls for action from Dublin. On May 29, after hearing about the battles happening in Leinster, leaders in Armagh decided to dismiss the indecisive leadership in Ulster. They made it clear that if the adjutant generals of Antrim and Downe couldn't come up with a solid plan for a widespread uprising, they would simply go back to their normal lives and stop misleading the public. In Antrim, Robert Sims stepped down from his position because he didn't want to act without French support, and amid accusations of betrayal, they turned to the younger Henry Joy McCracken. Concerned about possibly missing a chance to unite with the South, McCracken called for the start of the first year of liberty on June 6th. The very next day, there were local gatherings, especially in Ballymena where the green flag was raised. and several attacks took place across the region. However, by the next morning, news of McCracken's defeat caused many rebels to abandon their arms and disband. By June 9th, the situation in County Antrim had fizzled out when Ballymena surrendered, luckily avoiding the destruction that hit other towns like Randallstown, Temple Patrick, and Ballymoney. McCracken's remaining forces finally dispersed on June 14th, after learning of the major defeat of their counterparts in County Down. As for County Down, plans for their coordinated uprising on June 7 fell apart when William Steele Dixon, the adjutant general, along with his officers, were captured. Despite this setback, younger leaders took charge starting on June 9, initiating attacks, including an ambush and seizing weapons. However, their short-lived republic was defeated after just three days of fighting. In terms of representation, historian Marianne Elliott has pointed out that in County Down, Catholics had equal representation in the leadership of the United Movement. despite allegations to the contrary that emerged after the Dishartening Battle of Balleenahint, where some allege that Catholics deserted. James Hope, a key figure among the leaders, refuted these stories, insisting that any desertions did not reflect a broader pattern of behavior among Catholics. In the southwest province of Munster, there were only a couple of minor conflicts. The first was on June 19th near Clonacilty in West Hork, known as the Battle of the Big Cross, and the second on July 24th. was an attempt to release prisoners being held in Nine Mile House in County Tipperary. Previously, a decade before, there had been a heavy crackdown on local resistance movements in the area. After the French briefly appeared off Bantry Bay in December 1796, harsh measures were taken to maintain control in Munster, including widespread arrests and forced military service for young men. In Cork City, the Shears Brothers had established a strong united organization, which was dismantled by authorities. with the arrest of its entire committee in May 1797 and further dismantled by April 1798. The confrontation on June 19 saw a clash between local peasantry and the Westmouth militia, where the local Catholics had hoped the militia would join them but instead were met with violence. The people of Clonacilty later received a scolding from their Protestant vicar for their misguided attempt to act as politicians, reformers, and lawmakers. In the far western part of Ireland lies Connacht, the least affluent of the Irish provinces. It was here, on August 22nd, that the French stepped into the Irish rebellion scene. 1,000 French troops, commanded by General Humbert, landed in Kilcummin in County Mayo, which spurred the local population to action. These French soldiers teamed up with around 5,000 local peasants, who despite being described as uncombed, ragged, and lacking shoes, managed to initially taste victory. This collective force is remembered for what's been termed the Races of Castlebar. where they chased away a militia twice their size led by a commander named Lake. After this unexpected success, Humbert declared an Irish Republic, appointing John Moore, who was educated in France, as the leader of the new government in Connaught. However, the French and Irish forces couldn't join with other rebellious groups in County Longford and County Meath on time. Facing British troops numbering around 26,000 at Ballinamuck in County Longford, Humbert and his forces, along with 500 Irish people led by Bartholomew Teeling, had to surrender by September 8th. The events of that year, remembered locally as Blien na Francach or the Year of the French, reached a grim ending. On September 23rd, roughly 2,000 poorly equipped rebels were slaughtered outside Kalala. They were followers of James Joseph MacDonald, who came from Mayo's remaining Catholic nobility. The aftermath brought terror, as the High Sheriff of Mayo, Dennis Brown, who would later be known as the Marcus of Sligo, earned a notorious nickname, Donchad and Ropa, or Dennis the Rope, for his actions during this period. Wolfe Tone, a leader in the movement, was disappointed when the French officials made a comparison between the Irish and the devoutly Catholic peasants they had fought in the Vendée region back in France. After Humbert's disaster, they suggested to Tone that perhaps a secular republic wasn't the goal, but instead he should consider restoring the monarchy with Henry Benedict Stuart as King Henry IX. Wolfe Tone rejected this, staying true to his vision of a secular republic. Later, on October 12th, Tone joined another French military effort with 3,000 men, but was captured near County Donegal during the Battle of Tory Island. Despite his imminent execution, Tone declared he had no regret for attempting to elevate millions of Irish to citizenship. He was sorrowful for the horrors that were committed by both sides while he was in exile. Ultimately, on the night before he was to be executed, Tone took his own life. Casualties Let's take a look at an important account of the 1798 rebellion in Ireland, which historian Thomas Pakenham featured in his book The Year of Liberty, published in 1969. Pakenham considers this uprising to be one of the most violent and heartbreaking chapters in Irish history, notably situated between the Jacobite Wars and the Great Famine. In a matter of weeks, about 30,000 people, including poorly armed peasants, defenseless women and children succumbed to the violence. they were mercilessly cut down or killed as they bravely faced overwhelming firepower. The estimated casualties range significantly, with contemporary figures suggesting 3,000 from the opposing crown forces and loyalists. However, current research, including a demographic study from County Wexford, the epicenter of the rebellion, points to approximately 6,000 deaths. Historian Thomas Bartlett, drawing from this, estimates that such a study could indicate a total death toll of around 10,000 across Ireland. It's worth noting that, due to widespread fear of repression, some deaths may have gone unreported by families. Military atrocities accounts were widespread about the horrors that rebels inflicted on civilians loyal to the crown. These stories not only caused some to abandon the republican movement, but also shielded the military from criticism over their counter-terror tactics. Lord Moira, a figure of the establishment who later became Governor General of India, gathered evidence of such atrocities committed by Crown forces to present to the King. Orders were given by Lake to show no mercy, leading to the summary execution of captured and wounded rebels, sometimes on a massive scale. Notably, after a group of Kildare rebels surrendered near Kura on May 27, Crown forces killed as many as 500 of them, a massacre known as the Gibbet Wrath Accutions. Additionally, in September, 200 more were executed after Humbert's surrender at Mord, Balinima, including Wolftone's brother, Matthew. Civilians within conflict zones faced brutal interrogations, murder, and had their properties destroyed. Cornwallis, overseeing the response to Humbert's landing, went as far as to threaten his unruly troops with summary execution, especially singling out the Catholic militia for their brutality. Following the rebellion, the Loyalist Yeomanry used their local connections to carry out revenge attacks. particularly targeting rebels who had been pardoned. Rebel Outrages It was in County Wexford where the rebels committed widespread violence against Loyalist civilians. Among the heinous acts were the killings at Scullabogue and on Wexford Bridge. After a defeat at New Ross on June 5th, up to 200 Loyalist hostages, including women and children, were locked in a barn at Scullabogue and essentially burned alive. In protest against this cruelty, Bajinal Harvey resigned his command of the rebel forces. Then, on June 20th in the town of Wexford, after the local United Irish leadership was overthrown, about 70 Loyalist prisoners were marched to a bridge and killed with pikes. Among the dead were a small number of Catholics and among the rebels some Protestants. However, government propagandists did not hesitate to emphasize the sectarian dimension of these killings, portraying them as acts driven by religious hatred. The United Irishmen and the defenders were brotherhoods, although women didn't often appear appear in the history book, they were actually quite involved in the United Irishman's cause. By the time 1797 rolled around, a secret informant named Francis Higgins revealed some eye-opening news. He reported that women are equally sworn with men, indicating that women were stepping up, taking risks, and standing shoulder to shoulder with men in what was becoming a secret organization. One standout example of a woman involved in the movement was Mrs. Risk, who was highlighted by R. R. Madden. an early historian of the United Irishmen. According to Madden, women like Mrs. Risk were incredibly active. They were transporting secret messages, concealing weapons, and maintaining safe houses for those on the run. When the uprisings took place, women didn't just stand by. They played various crucial roles. Some even became legendary through songs like Betsy Gray and Brave Mole Doyle. They, heroine of New Ross, who fought in the battles. For instance, at Ballina Hinch, where folklore says Betsy Gray carried a green flag while riding a white horse, the father of the future Lord Kelvin observed women on the battlefield doing things just as brave as what the men were doing. Over at Vinegar Hill, British officers were stunned to see that the female rebels were even more passionate than their male counterparts. Some said that several women fought with fury. Thomas Cloney, a rebel leader, believed he could have won the battle at New Ross if only a fraction of his men had the fighting spirit of Molly Doyle from Castlebro. Unfortunately, it wasn't all heroics and courage. Women suffered terribly during the backlash. There were far too many cases of abduction and rape. Many women traveled the country by the hundreds, desperately searching for information or assistance for their men, making them especially at risk during these challenging times. Last resistance in Belfast, on the 1st of July 1798, the stronghold of the United Irish Movement, everyone on the streets was seen wearing the red uniform of the yeomanry. Edward Hudson an Anglican clergyman who was recruiting former radicals into his Port Clonone yeomanry, declared that the camaraderie between Catholic and Protestant was finished. Yet, the persistence of punishments, weapon seizures, and killings in rural East Ulster during the winter of 1799-1800 indicated that the rebellious spirit among dissenters was still alive. Small groups continued their defiance in secret cells, notably leaving out religious mentions in their oaths. The execution of Roddy Macorley in February 1800 at the Bridge of Tomb became part of Irish nationalist folklore, thanks to a ballad by Ethna Carberry from the 1890s. However, at that time, the public was more engrossed by the name of Macorley's leader, Thomas Archer. His execution in March 1800 in Ballymena and the hanging of 15 of his allies marked the end of the resistance in Antrim. In County Wicklow, the United Irish General Joseph Holt held out until he surrendered in the fall of 1798. The Wicklow Mountains were subdued only after a military road was built, and Robert Emmett's uprising in Dublin failed in December 1803. That's when the last organized rebel forces, led by Captain Michael Dwyer, finally gave in. However, some small groups remained active in Wexford until James Corcoran's band was defeated upon his death in February 1804. In the west, after the battles of Ballinamuck and Kalala, a few rebels from the so-called Republic of Connacht stayed hidden for months in the Mayo Hills and in Connemara, County Galway, where James MacDonald, defeated at Kalala, fled to France. Fate of the United Irish and Rebel Leadership Those in charge of the rebel forces who were captured faced execution following a court-martial. This was the harsh reality for figures like Bagginal Harvey, Father Philip Roche, and others who met their end on Wexford Bridge. John Esmond was executed with his coat inside out, marking him as a deserter of the yeomanry. Similar fates met Waddy Graham, Henry Joy McCracken, and others, including Bartholomew Teeling, who was buried in a mass grave. The Shears brothers faced the direst of outcomes when hanged and mutilated in Dublin in July. With confidence that the insurrection was contained, Lord Cornwallis and his chief secretary, Lord Casselra, held back from taking harsher measures against other leaders under arrest. After negotiations, those prisoners agreed to reveal their activities to a secret committee in exchange for being allowed to go into exile, which they did in 1802. Michael Dwyer's surrender came with terms that allowed his group to be sent to New South Wales, Australia, as unsentenced exile. Meanwhile, others like John Moore, who had been granted clemency, died while still in custody. Rebel ministers and priests in Ulster, about 20 Presbyterian ministers were linked with the rebellion, with two being executed. Others, like William Steele Dixon and David Bailey Warden, went into exile in America. Castlereagh responded to the insurrection by linking financial support for the ministers to loyalty declarations. Between 1798 and 1800, at least 69 Catholic chapels were damaged or destroyed, primarily in South Leinster. although it wasn't the government's intent to target Catholicism. Most bishops condemned the disaffection, and few priests were implicated in the fighting or executed. Pitt initially proposed measures for Catholic emancipation, but those were shelved due to opposition. His government had proposed granting a stipend to Catholic priests in exchange for the crown having a say in bishop appointments, but this too was retracted because of the king's resistance. The Union in August 18, 100 under the Acts of Union, the Irish Parliament voted to dissolve itself, opting to send a reduced and exclusively Protestant representation to the Westminster Parliament. Robert Emmett, when rallying support in 1803, argued that union further compounded Ireland's issues by subjecting it to an external parliament which did not truly represent the Irish people. However, no popular protest surfaced, perhaps due to the demoralization from the previous rebellion's feet. From exile, Archibald Hamilton Rowan expected the end of the Anglo-Irish Lords-powered due to the Union. Emmett's Rebellion. Emmett aimed to re-establish the United Irish Organization and planned for a new uprising. However, failures in seizing Dublin Castle and other key locations, a lack of support in Ulster, and no foreign aid led to the rebellion's quick feet. In New South Wales, convicts who had been transported there following the 98 uprising heard of Emmett's efforts and rebelled. Their failure was later called the Second Battle of Vinegar Hill. In 1801, Sir Richard Musgrave published a history of Irish rebellions that had a clear bias against Catholics, focusing overwhelmingly on the Leinster Rebellion and barely mentioning the uprising in Ulster. This narrative painted the rebellion as a Catholic conspiracy, a view Daniel O'Connell strongly disputed. O'Connell argued that the British government, not Catholics, manipulated the United Irishmen to justify getting rid of the Irish Parliament. O'Connell himself chose not to participate in the rebellion. and didn't use its legacy to advance his later causes for Catholic rights and the repeal of the union with Britain. By 1831, perspectives began to shift, with Thomas More portraying the rebels of 98 as patriots. This view was echoed by a group called the Young Irelanders, who split from O'Connell due to their belief in using physical force. Their writings honored the rebellion, giving it a prominent place in Irish nationalist history. Fast forward to 1898. Irish Republicans are honoring the legacy of the rebellion at Wolftone's graveside, despite sectarian divides. The centenary celebrations in Dublin reflected a constitutional nationalist approach, with assurances that the rebellion was initially a push for Catholic rights and parliamentary reform, turning to arms only when peaceful options were blocked. In Belfast, commemorations were limited to Catholic areas, with Unionists insisting that their ancestors would have accepted a different kind of union with Britain to avoid the rebellion. In the 1948 sesquicentennial, attempts to involve Protestants in the commemorations in Northern Ireland were unsuccessful. But in the Republic of Ireland, the 150th anniversary occurred alongside the passage of the Republic of Ireland Act, marking a major step in Irish independence. By the Bicentennial in 1998, the mood changed, coinciding with the Good Friday Agreement's promise for peace in Northern Ireland. The Irish government sought to correct past commemoration's overly Catholic narrative by emphasizing the rebellion's non-sectarian and democratic ideals. Yet some historians argued that the era's sectarian dynamics persisted. The Bicentennial also brought attention to the Ulster Scots'retelling of 1798, highlighting their struggle for equal rights and democracy. In this narrative, Ulster's rebellion is reframed as part of the enlightened push for change, linked with the Scottish Enlightenment and American and French influences. This interpretation gives a different angle on the Protestant community's role in Irish history. As for memorials, the Republic of Ireland has at least 85 monuments honoring those who participated in the 1798 rebellion, including Dublin's Garden of Remembrance. Northern Ireland has informational plaques marking key battle sites, and even in Australia, A monument in Sydney honors those who took part in the insurrection. Thanks for watching. Share your thoughts in the comments and subscribe for more content.

joining hands with Ireland's Catholic majority. The harsh rental system had stirred discontent among tenants, fueling their involvement in the rebellion. The United Irishmen sought help from the French Republic and sympathetic groups in Britain.

However, their plans were disrupted by military clampdowns, leading to seizures and arrests, which pushed them to act. The rebellion began in late May of 1798 with scattered uprisings in the southeast in Carlow and Wexford, where rebels had some initial success, as well as in the north near Belfast and near Dublin in Meth and Kildare. By the end of August, only pockets of the rebels were still fighting, and that's when the French sent troops to County Mayo in the west. Unfortunately, they couldn't join forces with significant rebel groups and surrendered by the 9th of September. The last major battle took place in Kalala on the 23rd of September, where local men who had joined the French were defeated.

On the 12th of October, October, another attempt by the French was stopped off the coast of County Donegal, leading to the capture of the rebellion's leader, Wolfe Tone. After the rebellion was quelled, the British government passed the Acts of Union, dissolving the Irish Parliament and integrating Ireland into the United Kingdom, governed from Westminster. The 100th anniversary of this rebellion in 1898 sparked debate among different groups unionists, nationalists who wanted a parliament back in Dublin, and republicans who sought full independence.

honoring Wolftone's legacy. Interestingly, this debate was reignited during the Bicentennial in 1998, which coincided with the Belfast Good Friday Agreement, highlighting the lasting impact and differing perspectives on the events of 1798. Toward the end of the 1700s, there was a growing call for constitutional change in Ireland, which was under British rule at the time. The ruling class, known as the Protestant ascendancy, had slightly eased the harsh penal laws that were put in place. after the defeat of the Jacobite forces in 1691 to limit the Catholic Church's influence and suppress the Catholic upper class.

Even so, the Anglican elite kept a tight grip on the Irish Parliament, holding all the seats in the House of Lords and through controlled voting districts called pocket boroughs, half of the House of Commons. Meanwhile, the British government made sure its interests were protected by an administration in Ireland that reported back not to Dublin, but directly to the King. and ministers in London. This administrative setup created a situation where only a third of the Commons seats were genuinely available for public election due to more pocket boroughs. On top of that, the British Parliament claimed the right to legislate for Ireland and use that power to limit Irish trade which competed with British interests.

This situation was tested when the American colonies revolted. The British military, stretched thin by the fight against the American revolutionaries and their French allies, had to reduce their forces in Ireland. To fill the gap, local militias labeled volunteers stepped up for home defense. These militias began to push for their constitutional rights, much like their counterparts in the Americas. When the Irish Parliament was under pressure in 1782, the volunteers, now showing their power through public displays and military drills, persuaded the government in Westminster to repeal the law that made Ireland dependent on Great Britain.

The volunteers, especially strong in the north, where Presbyterians and other Protestant denominations joined in large numbers, aimed to capitalize on this newfound legislative independence. They pushed for the elimination of the pocket boroughs and broader voting rights, but they hit a significant roadblock when it came to incorporating Catholic rights into this parliamentary reform, and that created a split within their ranks. Despite the volunteers'efforts and the challenges they posed, the old order survived. The Anglican aristocracy remained in power, backed by a government that remained directed by London, keeping the status quo largely intact.

In Belfast, which was becoming an important trading hub, people were really feeling the absence of their own voice in government. It was under the ownership of the Marcus of Donegal and had no elected officials. In the wake of the excitement over the French Revolution, a group of experienced members from the Volunteer Militia invited Wolftone to speak in October of 1791. Tone, a Protestant and the secretary for Dublin's Catholic Committee, had made a compelling argument in his Argument on Behalf of the Catholics of Ireland. He argued that for Ireland to be truly free, Protestants needed to join forces with Catholics against those he straightforwardly called the boobies and blockheads in power, those of the ascendancy. Taking his lead, this Belfast group called themselves the Society of United Irishmen.

They came to a shared conclusion. English influence in Irish politics was excessive, and the only lawful way to counter it was to completely reform how the people's representatives in Parliament were elected. Down in Dublin, where there was a larger and more varied middle class, Tone's allies propagated the same sentiment. From the beginning, the Society of United Irishmen in Dublin was a combination of Protestant, Catholic, and dissenter members, all united with the same aim.

In December 1792, with the encouragement of a group called the United Irishmen, a national Catholic convention was held by the Catholic Committee representing a broad base of households. This gathering, known as the Back Lane Parliament, questioned the authority of the established Irish lords and commons. At the time, Britain was gearing up for a potential conflict with France's new government. and King George III met with representatives from the convention, including a man named Tone.

The British authorities urged the Irish Parliament to follow suit with an act that had been passed in Westminster in 1791 which lightened the burden of many civil restrictions on Catholics. In areas where elections were held, Catholics who owned sufficient property were now permitted to vote, although the requirement to swear an oath of supremacy meant that Parliament itself remained strictly Protestant. Despite its limited impact on government operations, the price to overcome the resistance of the ruling Protestant ascendancy to this change included disbanding the Catholic Committee, forming a new militia that included Catholic recruits, and passing a Convention Act that banned organized opposition outside of Parliament. When it became clear that the United Irishmen wouldn't accept these terms, they had aspirations to reform their own group to mirror France's National Guard.

The government cracked down on them. Following the exposure of a secret meeting between a French agent named William Jackson and United leaders, including Tone and Archibald Hamilton Rowan, the group was officially declared illegal in May 1794. In May of 1795, United delegates from Belfast and nearby towns came together to counteract increasing oppression by adopting a stronger system of organization. They decided that local societies would be made up of 7 to 35 members. and would unite through committees at different levels, baronial, county, and eventually provincial.

Once three-quarters of Irish provinces were organized, a national directory would be established. Thanks to this new system, the society quickly expanded throughout Ulster, and even though Dublin was initially reluctant to give up open meetings, it too joined, followed by regions in the Midlands and the South. William Drennan proposed a test or pledge to unite Irish people of all faiths, which was embraced by a diverse group including artisans, farmers, and those who had formerly belonged to secret fraternities and jacobin clubs.

In the countryside, there were numerous secret societies involved in agrarian disputes known as white boyism, dating back to the mid-18th century. Different groups included the Oak Boys and the Hearts of Steel, who opposed religious favoritism and protested against land issues, respectively. In the 1790s, newly organized groups called defenders, who were mostly Catholic, emerged. These defenders had previously been in conflict in Armagh with Protestant groups over land and jobs. Despite warnings from Catholic leaders about taking oaths with the United Irishmen, the defenders were drawn to the idea of Irish independence.

As for planning, each society within the new system of organization was responsible for training members and forming battalions for a possible uprising. Even though only Ulster and Leinster were organized, the group's leaders struggled with differing opinions at a meeting in Dublin in June 1797. After the meeting disbanded and some leaders fled the country, the remaining leaders from Leinster, including Lord Edward Fitzgerald and Arthur O'Connor, began rallying support. While they initially felt too weak to act, by winter they believed their ranks were growing. In February 1798, figures showed nearly 270,000 United Irishmen. but there were doubts about whether they would respond to a call to arms, especially since the authorities had confiscated many of their weapons.

Despite continued government pushback and uncertainty about French support, the movement held on, still aiming for Irish independence but waiting for the right moment to act. Here's a more conversational and accessible rephrasing of the given information. In 1795, after being pushed out to America, a man named Tone made his way to Paris.

He was determined to show the French government that taking over Ireland could be the key to breaking the strong grip Britain had on maritime power. His detailed reports caught the eye of a French official, Lazare Carnot, and soon enough, plans for an Irish invasion were in the works. General Lazare Hoche got the job of leading this mission, with the hope that it would protect France for years to come. Under General Hoche, an impressive force of 15,000 experienced soldiers gathered in Brest, France.

With Tone by their side, they set sail on December 16, 1796 and reached Ireland's Bantry Bay six days later. However, fierce storms stopped them from setting foot on Irish soil. Tone couldn't help but note that England just had the luckiest escape since the time of the Spanish Armada.

With no success, the fleet headed back and the troops were dispersed to fight elsewhere in the ongoing wars. Despite the failed landing, the possibility of French help was now a real thought, causing a surge in new members joining Irish societies. Fast forward to 1797, England faced its own problems with naval mutinies.

Changes to the established legal system were justified by blaming Irish and English radicals for the turmoil. One of the leaders of these revolts was thought to have links to Irish reform groups. However, no proof was found of any big conspiracy to flip the navy. Meanwhile, the mutinies had brought Britain's naval forces to a halt.

Unfortunately for the French, their own fleet faced bad weather too, and ended up being defeated by the British at the Battle of Camperdown. In France, Tone took note of a new leader on the rise, Napoleon Bonaparte. But Napoleon wasn't interested in Ireland's freedom.

He was focused on wars that would pay his army. Though there was talk of a large French force preparing to help Ireland, Napoleon quickly ditched the plans, doubting the Irish agents in Paris. On the other side, Irish agents, including one James Coygley, a Catholic priest, were busy. Coygley sought to create a bigger network that reached out to English and Scottish groups.

These groups were united in their push for change and readiness to use force, much like their Irish counterparts. From Manchester to London, Coygley spread this network and even discussed plans to bring down the British government and team up with the French if they were to invade. By July 1797, these plans had made their way to leadership in Dublin and Belfast.

Even the idea that England, Scotland, and Ireland could act as one force for freedom was enough to encourage some, regardless of whether the French would ever set foot on British soil. Back in 1798, A wave of frightening attacks on judges in counties like Tipperary, Kildare, and King's County put the authorities on edge. They also knew that a group within the United Irishmen, led by figures like Fitzgerald and O'Connor, believed they were ready to start a rebellion without any help from France. The Viceroy at the time, Lord Camden, found himself pushed by some tough Irish members of Parliament, with John Foster leading the charge, to get a grip on the escalating chaos in the South and Midlands and to lock up the troublemakers in Dublin.

However, Camden was wary. He thought coming down too hard could trigger a revolt. The British Home Secretary, Lord Portland, felt the same way, describing the crackdown proposals as dangerous and inconvenient. What changed the game was an informer, Thomas Reynolds, who came forward with evidence that over 250,000 men from Ulster, Leinster, and Munster were gearing up to join a revolutionary army.

Based on tips from Reynolds, the government found out about a key meeting scheduled for March 10. at the Dublin home of a wool merchant named Oliver Bond. That's where they planned to decide whether to kick off the uprising. Camden felt he had no choice but to take action, or he'd face a backlash from the Irish Parliament.

On March 10th, Camden's forces arrested almost the entire leadership committee, as well as two key figures, McNevin and Emmett, who had been urging patience in lieu of French support. They also captured all their important documents. Meanwhile, over in England, O'Connor was apprehended with another man named Coygley.

Coygley, caught with documents addressed to the French Directory, was executed, and the network he built in Britain was dismantled. Back in Dublin, Fitzgerald had to go underground. On March 30th, the Irish government declared martial law, but still let the regular courts operate. The military got a new leader, Gerard Lake, who had a frightening reputation from his troops'harsh methods, in Ulster. And now he turned his sights on Leinster and Munster.

As their network fell apart, Fitzgerald, along with other leaders like Samuel Nielsen and the Shears brothers, decided it was time for a wide-scale rebellion set for May 23rd. They hoped for French assistance, but on the 19th, a French military force under Napoleon set sail not to Ireland, but Egypt. The plan was for Dublin's united army to seize key spots in the city while forces from nearby counties surrounded it and moved in.

The signal for the rest of the country to join was the halting of the mail coaches leaving Dublin. but everything fell apart. Fitzgerald was fatally injured on the 19th, the Shears brothers were exposed two days later, and Nielsen, essential to the planning, was caught on the morning of the 23rd. The authorities, clued in at the last minute, captured all the rebel gathering points, making those who showed up discard their weapons and go home. The mail coach disruption botched as well, with just one stop near Nass in County Kildare.

Still, the planned uprisings in the city's outskirts and the surrounding counties occurred as intended but were quickly suppressed. Early in the morning on May 24th in County Kildare, the insurgency began with skirmishes just as the sun rose. The night before, rebels had attacked the Munster mail coach heading for Naas.

By the next day, a group ranging from 1,000 to 3,000 men advanced on the town. Despite their numbers and pikes, they stood no chance against the canister shots and the steady fire from muskets. The small defending garrison, with fewer than 200 troops, managed to scatter the rebels, and a cavalry unit pursued them, cutting down over a hundred as they retreated. Later that day, a turning point came for a smaller group of rebels led by John Esmond, a Protestant doctor who had turned his back on the Yeomanry.

They seized Prosperous, a town which would remain under their control until a defeat at Ovidstown on June 19th. However, rebel forces encountered setbacks elsewhere, like the losses in Carlow on May 25th and the significant defeat at the Hill of Tara in County Meath on May 26th. These defeats demoralized many of the Kildare rebels, convincing them that their efforts were failing.

Rebel activity persisted the longest in the southeast, especially in Wexford and the Wicklow Mountains. Wexford saw a spark in its resistance on May 26th with the arrival of the feared North Cork militia. Underestimating the strategic hilltop defense of the rebels led by the local clergyman John Murphy, the militia and yeomanry fell into a trap outside Ullart on May 27. Victorious, the insurgents pushed southward, taking over Wexford town and empowering Bagginal Harvey, a Protestant barrister and local leader of the United Irishmen, to take command. On June 5, a rebel force of 3,000 commanded by Bagginal Harvey ran out of ammunition and had to retreat from New Ross. despite the promise of linking up with defender forces in Kilkenny and Waterford.

Following this defeat, in a dark turn of events, rebel forces slaughtered up to 200 Loyalist prisoners, including women and children, in what's known as the Scullabogue Barn Massacre. Attempts by the rebels to push north and pave a way to Dublin were thwarted on June 1st at Bunclody and again at Arklow on June 9th, where they even had captured artillery at their disposal. The rebels retreated to the south where New Ross survivors joined them, forming a large encampment of 16,000 at Vinegar Hill outside Enniscorthy. On June 21st, a government force of 13,000 under General Lake encircled the camp, bombarded it, and defeated the rebel forces.

The remaining rebels of what was called the Republic of Wexford set up a final stronghold in Killarum Woods, north of the county, led by James Corcoran. Other rebels looked for battles elsewhere. On June 24th, Father Murphy and Miles Byrne led two columns, totaling 8,000 men to Castlecomber. in County Kilkenny, hoping the local militant coal miners would join their cause. Unfortunately, the miners didn't join, and both rebels and the town's defenders had to pull back from the now burning town.

Byrne escaped to the Wicklow Mountains, joining a guerrilla resistance led by Joseph Holt and Michael Dwyer. Murphy's group moved into Kildare where, after his capture, they joined forces with William Aylmer's rebels in the Bog of Allen. Despite several tough battles, The Wexford Croppies then advanced into Meath, making their last stand at Knightstown Bog on July 14th. A final few hundred stragglers returned to Kildare, where they surrendered on July 21st. In an effort to quell the remaining resistance, a new amnesty was offered by the new Lord Lieutenant Charles Cornwallis.

Pushed through the Irish Parliament by the Chancellor, Lord Clare, a staunch defender of the ascendancy, the aim was to separate Catholics from what they considered the true threat, godless Jacobinism. This amnesty allowed the bulk of the rebellion's participants to avoid severe reprisal, although the leaders were excluded from this. Clemency In the north of Ireland, specifically in Ulster, there was no immediate response to the calls for action from Dublin.

On May 29, after hearing about the battles happening in Leinster, leaders in Armagh decided to dismiss the indecisive leadership in Ulster. They made it clear that if the adjutant generals of Antrim and Downe couldn't come up with a solid plan for a widespread uprising, they would simply go back to their normal lives and stop misleading the public. In Antrim, Robert Sims stepped down from his position because he didn't want to act without French support, and amid accusations of betrayal, they turned to the younger Henry Joy McCracken. Concerned about possibly missing a chance to unite with the South, McCracken called for the start of the first year of liberty on June 6th. The very next day, there were local gatherings, especially in Ballymena where the green flag was raised.

and several attacks took place across the region. However, by the next morning, news of McCracken's defeat caused many rebels to abandon their arms and disband. By June 9th, the situation in County Antrim had fizzled out when Ballymena surrendered, luckily avoiding the destruction that hit other towns like Randallstown, Temple Patrick, and Ballymoney.

McCracken's remaining forces finally dispersed on June 14th, after learning of the major defeat of their counterparts in County Down. As for County Down, plans for their coordinated uprising on June 7 fell apart when William Steele Dixon, the adjutant general, along with his officers, were captured. Despite this setback, younger leaders took charge starting on June 9, initiating attacks, including an ambush and seizing weapons. However, their short-lived republic was defeated after just three days of fighting.

In terms of representation, historian Marianne Elliott has pointed out that in County Down, Catholics had equal representation in the leadership of the United Movement. despite allegations to the contrary that emerged after the Dishartening Battle of Balleenahint, where some allege that Catholics deserted. James Hope, a key figure among the leaders, refuted these stories, insisting that any desertions did not reflect a broader pattern of behavior among Catholics. In the southwest province of Munster, there were only a couple of minor conflicts.

The first was on June 19th near Clonacilty in West Hork, known as the Battle of the Big Cross, and the second on July 24th. was an attempt to release prisoners being held in Nine Mile House in County Tipperary. Previously, a decade before, there had been a heavy crackdown on local resistance movements in the area.

After the French briefly appeared off Bantry Bay in December 1796, harsh measures were taken to maintain control in Munster, including widespread arrests and forced military service for young men. In Cork City, the Shears Brothers had established a strong united organization, which was dismantled by authorities. with the arrest of its entire committee in May 1797 and further dismantled by April 1798. The confrontation on June 19 saw a clash between local peasantry and the Westmouth militia, where the local Catholics had hoped the militia would join them but instead were met with violence.

The people of Clonacilty later received a scolding from their Protestant vicar for their misguided attempt to act as politicians, reformers, and lawmakers. In the far western part of Ireland lies Connacht, the least affluent of the Irish provinces. It was here, on August 22nd, that the French stepped into the Irish rebellion scene.

1,000 French troops, commanded by General Humbert, landed in Kilcummin in County Mayo, which spurred the local population to action. These French soldiers teamed up with around 5,000 local peasants, who despite being described as uncombed, ragged, and lacking shoes, managed to initially taste victory. This collective force is remembered for what's been termed the Races of Castlebar.

where they chased away a militia twice their size led by a commander named Lake. After this unexpected success, Humbert declared an Irish Republic, appointing John Moore, who was educated in France, as the leader of the new government in Connaught. However, the French and Irish forces couldn't join with other rebellious groups in County Longford and County Meath on time. Facing British troops numbering around 26,000 at Ballinamuck in County Longford, Humbert and his forces, along with 500 Irish people led by Bartholomew Teeling, had to surrender by September 8th.

The events of that year, remembered locally as Blien na Francach or the Year of the French, reached a grim ending. On September 23rd, roughly 2,000 poorly equipped rebels were slaughtered outside Kalala. They were followers of James Joseph MacDonald, who came from Mayo's remaining Catholic nobility. The aftermath brought terror, as the High Sheriff of Mayo, Dennis Brown, who would later be known as the Marcus of Sligo, earned a notorious nickname, Donchad and Ropa, or Dennis the Rope, for his actions during this period.

Wolfe Tone, a leader in the movement, was disappointed when the French officials made a comparison between the Irish and the devoutly Catholic peasants they had fought in the Vendée region back in France. After Humbert's disaster, they suggested to Tone that perhaps a secular republic wasn't the goal, but instead he should consider restoring the monarchy with Henry Benedict Stuart as King Henry IX. Wolfe Tone rejected this, staying true to his vision of a secular republic.

Later, on October 12th, Tone joined another French military effort with 3,000 men, but was captured near County Donegal during the Battle of Tory Island. Despite his imminent execution, Tone declared he had no regret for attempting to elevate millions of Irish to citizenship. He was sorrowful for the horrors that were committed by both sides while he was in exile.

Ultimately, on the night before he was to be executed, Tone took his own life. Casualties Let's take a look at an important account of the 1798 rebellion in Ireland, which historian Thomas Pakenham featured in his book The Year of Liberty, published in 1969. Pakenham considers this uprising to be one of the most violent and heartbreaking chapters in Irish history, notably situated between the Jacobite Wars and the Great Famine. In a matter of weeks, about 30,000 people, including poorly armed peasants, defenseless women and children succumbed to the violence. they were mercilessly cut down or killed as they bravely faced overwhelming firepower.

The estimated casualties range significantly, with contemporary figures suggesting 3,000 from the opposing crown forces and loyalists. However, current research, including a demographic study from County Wexford, the epicenter of the rebellion, points to approximately 6,000 deaths. Historian Thomas Bartlett, drawing from this, estimates that such a study could indicate a total death toll of around 10,000 across Ireland. It's worth noting that, due to widespread fear of repression, some deaths may have gone unreported by families. Military atrocities accounts were widespread about the horrors that rebels inflicted on civilians loyal to the crown.

These stories not only caused some to abandon the republican movement, but also shielded the military from criticism over their counter-terror tactics. Lord Moira, a figure of the establishment who later became Governor General of India, gathered evidence of such atrocities committed by Crown forces to present to the King. Orders were given by Lake to show no mercy, leading to the summary execution of captured and wounded rebels, sometimes on a massive scale.

Notably, after a group of Kildare rebels surrendered near Kura on May 27, Crown forces killed as many as 500 of them, a massacre known as the Gibbet Wrath Accutions. Additionally, in September, 200 more were executed after Humbert's surrender at Mord, Balinima, including Wolftone's brother, Matthew. Civilians within conflict zones faced brutal interrogations, murder, and had their properties destroyed. Cornwallis, overseeing the response to Humbert's landing, went as far as to threaten his unruly troops with summary execution, especially singling out the Catholic militia for their brutality.

Following the rebellion, the Loyalist Yeomanry used their local connections to carry out revenge attacks. particularly targeting rebels who had been pardoned. Rebel Outrages It was in County Wexford where the rebels committed widespread violence against Loyalist civilians.

Among the heinous acts were the killings at Scullabogue and on Wexford Bridge. After a defeat at New Ross on June 5th, up to 200 Loyalist hostages, including women and children, were locked in a barn at Scullabogue and essentially burned alive. In protest against this cruelty, Bajinal Harvey resigned his command of the rebel forces.

Then, on June 20th in the town of Wexford, after the local United Irish leadership was overthrown, about 70 Loyalist prisoners were marched to a bridge and killed with pikes. Among the dead were a small number of Catholics and among the rebels some Protestants. However, government propagandists did not hesitate to emphasize the sectarian dimension of these killings, portraying them as acts driven by religious hatred.

The United Irishmen and the defenders were brotherhoods, although women didn't often appear appear in the history book, they were actually quite involved in the United Irishman's cause. By the time 1797 rolled around, a secret informant named Francis Higgins revealed some eye-opening news. He reported that women are equally sworn with men, indicating that women were stepping up, taking risks, and standing shoulder to shoulder with men in what was becoming a secret organization. One standout example of a woman involved in the movement was Mrs. Risk, who was highlighted by R. R. Madden.

an early historian of the United Irishmen. According to Madden, women like Mrs. Risk were incredibly active. They were transporting secret messages, concealing weapons, and maintaining safe houses for those on the run.

When the uprisings took place, women didn't just stand by. They played various crucial roles. Some even became legendary through songs like Betsy Gray and Brave Mole Doyle. They, heroine of New Ross, who fought in the battles. For instance, at Ballina Hinch, where folklore says Betsy Gray carried a green flag while riding a white horse, the father of the future Lord Kelvin observed women on the battlefield doing things just as brave as what the men were doing.

Over at Vinegar Hill, British officers were stunned to see that the female rebels were even more passionate than their male counterparts. Some said that several women fought with fury. Thomas Cloney, a rebel leader, believed he could have won the battle at New Ross if only a fraction of his men had the fighting spirit of Molly Doyle from Castlebro.

Unfortunately, it wasn't all heroics and courage. Women suffered terribly during the backlash. There were far too many cases of abduction and rape. Many women traveled the country by the hundreds, desperately searching for information or assistance for their men, making them especially at risk during these challenging times.

Last resistance in Belfast, on the 1st of July 1798, the stronghold of the United Irish Movement, everyone on the streets was seen wearing the red uniform of the yeomanry. Edward Hudson an Anglican clergyman who was recruiting former radicals into his Port Clonone yeomanry, declared that the camaraderie between Catholic and Protestant was finished. Yet, the persistence of punishments, weapon seizures, and killings in rural East Ulster during the winter of 1799-1800 indicated that the rebellious spirit among dissenters was still alive.

Small groups continued their defiance in secret cells, notably leaving out religious mentions in their oaths. The execution of Roddy Macorley in February 1800 at the Bridge of Tomb became part of Irish nationalist folklore, thanks to a ballad by Ethna Carberry from the 1890s. However, at that time, the public was more engrossed by the name of Macorley's leader, Thomas Archer.

His execution in March 1800 in Ballymena and the hanging of 15 of his allies marked the end of the resistance in Antrim. In County Wicklow, the United Irish General Joseph Holt held out until he surrendered in the fall of 1798. The Wicklow Mountains were subdued only after a military road was built, and Robert Emmett's uprising in Dublin failed in December 1803. That's when the last organized rebel forces, led by Captain Michael Dwyer, finally gave in. However, some small groups remained active in Wexford until James Corcoran's band was defeated upon his death in February 1804. In the west, after the battles of Ballinamuck and Kalala, a few rebels from the so-called Republic of Connacht stayed hidden for months in the Mayo Hills and in Connemara, County Galway, where James MacDonald, defeated at Kalala, fled to France.

Fate of the United Irish and Rebel Leadership Those in charge of the rebel forces who were captured faced execution following a court-martial. This was the harsh reality for figures like Bagginal Harvey, Father Philip Roche, and others who met their end on Wexford Bridge. John Esmond was executed with his coat inside out, marking him as a deserter of the yeomanry.

Similar fates met Waddy Graham, Henry Joy McCracken, and others, including Bartholomew Teeling, who was buried in a mass grave. The Shears brothers faced the direst of outcomes when hanged and mutilated in Dublin in July. With confidence that the insurrection was contained, Lord Cornwallis and his chief secretary, Lord Casselra, held back from taking harsher measures against other leaders under arrest. After negotiations, those prisoners agreed to reveal their activities to a secret committee in exchange for being allowed to go into exile, which they did in 1802. Michael Dwyer's surrender came with terms that allowed his group to be sent to New South Wales, Australia, as unsentenced exile. Meanwhile, others like John Moore, who had been granted clemency, died while still in custody.

Rebel ministers and priests in Ulster, about 20 Presbyterian ministers were linked with the rebellion, with two being executed. Others, like William Steele Dixon and David Bailey Warden, went into exile in America. Castlereagh responded to the insurrection by linking financial support for the ministers to loyalty declarations. Between 1798 and 1800, at least 69 Catholic chapels were damaged or destroyed, primarily in South Leinster. although it wasn't the government's intent to target Catholicism.

Most bishops condemned the disaffection, and few priests were implicated in the fighting or executed. Pitt initially proposed measures for Catholic emancipation, but those were shelved due to opposition. His government had proposed granting a stipend to Catholic priests in exchange for the crown having a say in bishop appointments, but this too was retracted because of the king's resistance.

The Union in August 18, 100 under the Acts of Union, the Irish Parliament voted to dissolve itself, opting to send a reduced and exclusively Protestant representation to the Westminster Parliament. Robert Emmett, when rallying support in 1803, argued that union further compounded Ireland's issues by subjecting it to an external parliament which did not truly represent the Irish people. However, no popular protest surfaced, perhaps due to the demoralization from the previous rebellion's feet. From exile, Archibald Hamilton Rowan expected the end of the Anglo-Irish Lords-powered due to the Union. Emmett's Rebellion.

Emmett aimed to re-establish the United Irish Organization and planned for a new uprising. However, failures in seizing Dublin Castle and other key locations, a lack of support in Ulster, and no foreign aid led to the rebellion's quick feet. In New South Wales, convicts who had been transported there following the 98 uprising heard of Emmett's efforts and rebelled. Their failure was later called the Second Battle of Vinegar Hill. In 1801, Sir Richard Musgrave published a history of Irish rebellions that had a clear bias against Catholics, focusing overwhelmingly on the Leinster Rebellion and barely mentioning the uprising in Ulster.

This narrative painted the rebellion as a Catholic conspiracy, a view Daniel O'Connell strongly disputed. O'Connell argued that the British government, not Catholics, manipulated the United Irishmen to justify getting rid of the Irish Parliament. O'Connell himself chose not to participate in the rebellion.

and didn't use its legacy to advance his later causes for Catholic rights and the repeal of the union with Britain. By 1831, perspectives began to shift, with Thomas More portraying the rebels of 98 as patriots. This view was echoed by a group called the Young Irelanders, who split from O'Connell due to their belief in using physical force.

Their writings honored the rebellion, giving it a prominent place in Irish nationalist history. Fast forward to 1898. Irish Republicans are honoring the legacy of the rebellion at Wolftone's graveside, despite sectarian divides. The centenary celebrations in Dublin reflected a constitutional nationalist approach, with assurances that the rebellion was initially a push for Catholic rights and parliamentary reform, turning to arms only when peaceful options were blocked.

In Belfast, commemorations were limited to Catholic areas, with Unionists insisting that their ancestors would have accepted a different kind of union with Britain to avoid the rebellion. In the 1948 sesquicentennial, attempts to involve Protestants in the commemorations in Northern Ireland were unsuccessful. But in the Republic of Ireland, the 150th anniversary occurred alongside the passage of the Republic of Ireland Act, marking a major step in Irish independence.

By the Bicentennial in 1998, the mood changed, coinciding with the Good Friday Agreement's promise for peace in Northern Ireland. The Irish government sought to correct past commemoration's overly Catholic narrative by emphasizing the rebellion's non-sectarian and democratic ideals. Yet some historians argued that the era's sectarian dynamics persisted.

The Bicentennial also brought attention to the Ulster Scots'retelling of 1798, highlighting their struggle for equal rights and democracy. In this narrative, Ulster's rebellion is reframed as part of the enlightened push for change, linked with the Scottish Enlightenment and American and French influences. This interpretation gives a different angle on the Protestant community's role in Irish history. As for memorials, the Republic of Ireland has at least 85 monuments honoring those who participated in the 1798 rebellion, including Dublin's Garden of Remembrance. Northern Ireland has informational plaques marking key battle sites, and even in Australia, A monument in Sydney honors those who took part in the insurrection.

Thanks for watching. Share your thoughts in the comments and subscribe for more content.

Transcript for:The 1798 Irish Rebellion Overview

Transcript for:
The 1798 Irish Rebellion Overview