Now the other thing that's important is these Republicans are not just former Whigs. It's estimated about 20 percent of Fremont's voters came from Democrats. Northern Democrats who could not stomach the Kansas-Nebraska bill, could not stomach what they considered Southern control of the Democratic Party, are another significant faction in the Republican Party. So there's a kind of reshuffling of all the parties going on. The Whigs die. The Know-Nothings rise. The Republicans rise. The Democrats lose a significant part of their Northern electorate. And that is important also because their presence means again that the party has to focus on what holds all these factions together. What is the lowest common denominator? Opposition to the expansion of slavery. These Democrats believe in a low tariff, they believe in hard money instead of paper money, whatever. Now most of them believe in a homestead act; you can agree on that. But the Republican Party cannot become a party of a strong economic outlook because their different factions don't agree on what economic policy ought to be. The only thing they agree on is stopping the westward expansion of slavery. So these Democrats, they also bring into the party what you might call a kind of very strong Jacksonian unionism. Just as Jackson had stood up to South Carolina in the Nullification Crisis, threatened to send troops into South Carolina in 1833, these Democrats who identify when the Secession Crisis comes, they oppose compromise, they support the use of force. "Let's do what Andrew Jackson did." Whereas a lot of these conservative Whigs are going to be more willing to compromise. But the largest group in the Republican Party, I guess, is more moderate Whigs. People like John Sherman of Ohio. But the most important one of all of them is Abraham Lincoln. We will talk about him next week. But Lincoln is the spokesman of the moderate Republicans, which is the majority. There are Radicals, ex-Democrats. But the majority of these Republicans are these moderate Republicans. They are not radicals, but they again insist that the non-extension of slavery has got to be the one issue that holds the party together. So whether it's personal belief or political exigency, that becomes the dominant idea of the Republic Party: stopping the westward expansion of slavery. Now the first task of this new party is -- which is already underway in 1856 -- is to displace the Know-Nothings, or is to establish themselves as the main opposition party in the North, and then increasingly to divest the party of any tinge of nativism, particularly in the Old Northwest. Immigrant votes are very important -- or immigrant votes that are up for grabs: German votes, Scandinavian votes. They're not going to get a lot of these Irish votes in the Eastern cities, but in the West, you're not going to get very far in appealing to those immigrant voters if you start nominating Know-Nothings for office, etc. So as Ashworth notes, these issues of nativism, temperance, begin to lose their salience after 1856. And the necessity of attracting the foreign vote is very important. In fact, it's the Democrats who keep pushing those issues to the fore. It's the Democrats who keep accusing the Republicans of being anti-immigrant, of being anti-liquor. Because the Republicans want to talk about slavery. The Democrats want to talk about these ethnocultural issues as a way of creating division in Republican ranks. But maybe the most important thing is simply that this ideology of free labor and what goes along with it has a more pervasive appeal in the North. You might say the slave power is a better symbol than the Catholic Church of the dangers facing the future of free labor in Northern society. And indeed the Republican goal of promoting economic development and promoting free Western settlement requires immigration. They need immigrants to feed the growth of free labor society. So nativism and the Republican outlook are not really all that compatible with each other. By 1860, this free labor idea has triumphed in the North as the dominant outlook of that section. And after what I've said about it, you can understand why many Southerners saw this as a dire threat to the future of their society, and to understand both the road of the South to secession and the Northern willingness to fight in order to preserve the Union and defeat the South, and ultimately to destroy the institution of slavery. So let us stop there today. Next time we will look at James Buchanan; universally voted the worst president in American history.